cover of episode What Is the Relationship Between Russia and the U.S. Now?

What Is the Relationship Between Russia and the U.S. Now?

2025/4/24
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阿巴斯·加利亚莫夫:特朗普上台之初,俄罗斯正经历经济困境和民意支持下滑,特朗普的示好对普京来说如同及时雨。特朗普政府的对俄政策转变,为俄罗斯带来了喘息之机,也改变了国际舆论的焦点。 从俄罗斯的角度来看,特朗普政府的出现,为长期处于西方制裁和孤立之中的俄罗斯带来了新的希望。这使得俄罗斯在国际舞台上有了更多的回旋余地,也为其在乌克兰问题上的谈判争取了时间。 然而,这种缓和的背后也隐藏着俄罗斯的战略考量。俄罗斯利用与特朗普政府的接触,试图在乌克兰问题上争取更多的时间和空间,并通过经济合作等方式,削弱西方对俄罗斯的制裁压力。 特朗普政府:特朗普政府时期,美国对俄罗斯的态度发生了显著转变。政府官员公开表示,乌克兰加入北约的可能性不大,并且暗示乌克兰可能需要向俄罗斯割让领地。此举与克里姆林宫的立场相符,也为俄罗斯在乌克兰战争中的行动提供了某种程度的默许。 此外,特朗普政府还与俄罗斯进行了一系列高级别会谈,试图在乌克兰问题上达成协议。然而,这些谈判并未取得实质性进展,反而被批评为拖延战术,为俄罗斯在战场上继续推进争取了时间。 与此同时,特朗普政府也试图通过经济合作等方式,改善与俄罗斯的关系。然而,这种做法也受到了批评,认为其忽视了俄罗斯在乌克兰问题上的侵略行为。 德米特里·佩斯科夫:特朗普政府的对俄政策与俄罗斯的立场基本一致,这使得俄罗斯在国际舞台上获得了更多的支持。 克里姆林宫的宣传机器也顺势而为,将攻击目标从美国转向欧洲,试图将欧洲描绘成乌克兰战争的幕后黑手。这种宣传策略的转变,有效地转移了国际社会的注意力,也为俄罗斯在乌克兰战争中的行动提供了舆论支持。 弗拉基米尔·索洛维约夫:欧洲才是乌克兰战争的真正幕后黑手,美国则在一定程度上被边缘化。 这种说法与克里姆林宫的宣传策略相符,试图将国际社会的谴责转移到欧洲国家身上,从而减轻俄罗斯在乌克兰战争中的压力。 伊利亚·亚布洛科夫:俄罗斯媒体只是将攻击目标从美国换成了欧洲,其宣传策略没有本质变化。 俄罗斯媒体的宣传策略始终如一,即寻找外部敌人来转移国内矛盾,维护现有的政治体制。 谢尔盖·波利塔耶夫:普京在拖延时间,以期在战场上取得更多进展,并最终实现其在乌克兰战争中的目标。 俄罗斯方面认为,只要继续战斗,就能在战场上取得更多成果,最终实现其战略目标。 基里尔·德米特里耶夫:俄美两国应加强经济合作,以解决政治问题。 俄罗斯试图通过加强与美国的经济合作,来改善两国关系,并减轻西方对俄罗斯的制裁压力。 奥尔加·格里沙耶娃:特朗普的行为是为了美国的利益,对俄罗斯没有实质性改变。 俄罗斯民众对特朗普政府的对俄政策持谨慎态度,认为其并未带来实质性的改变。 阿尔乔姆·阿尔廖夫:美俄关系的改善不仅取决于特朗普,也取决于美国民众的意愿。 美俄关系的改善需要两国政府和民众的共同努力。 米哈伊尔:特朗普的性格不稳定,其对俄政策存在不确定性。 特朗普的个人性格和行为方式,可能会对美俄关系产生不可预测的影响。

Deep Dive

Chapters
Since President Trump took office, the relationship between the U.S. and Russia has become significantly warmer. This is evident in Trump's direct communication with Vladimir Putin, ending years of diplomatic isolation. The shift is also reflected in the Kremlin's propaganda, which now focuses its hostility towards Europe instead of the U.S.
  • Trump's communication with Putin ended years of diplomatic isolation
  • The Kremlin's propaganda shifted its focus from the U.S. to Europe
  • Trump's administration appeared to be pushing for peace in Ukraine on Moscow's terms

Shownotes Transcript

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Today on State of the World, what is the relationship between Russia and the U.S. now?

You're listening to State of the World from NPR. We bring you the day's most vital international stories up close where they're happening. It's Thursday, April 24th. I'm Greg Dixon. President Trump expressed his displeasure with Russian President Vladimir Putin through social media on Thursday, saying he was not happy with a barrage of Russian airstrikes that hit Kyiv. That attack comes as President Trump is hoping to broker a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine.

But social media scolding aside, if you zoom out to the big picture of the relationship between the U.S. and Russia lately, things have gotten much warmer since Trump took office. NPR's Charles Maines takes us to Moscow to give us a glimpse of what the relationship looks like these days from the Russian perspective. Donald Trump returned to the White House promising to shake up Biden-era policies towards Russia and its war in Ukraine and shake them up Trump has. We had a great call.

And it lasted for a long time, over an hour. Within weeks of taking office, Trump picked up the phone and ended Biden's three-year diplomatic isolation of Russian President Vladimir Putin. For him, Trump was a blessing in these days. Abbas Galyamov is a former speechwriter for Putin turned government critic in exile. Galyamov says Trump's decision to reach out came just in time for Putin at a moment when Russia's economy and public support for the war was starting to sputter.

Everything was very grim. The perspectives were very bad. And all of a sudden, Trump appeared. Oh my God, finally you heard my prayers. This is the attitude.

And perhaps with reason. The United States does not believe that NATO membership for Ukraine is a realistic outcome of a negotiated settlement. Within days, Trump's Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth ruled out any future NATO membership for Ukraine and said Kyiv would likely have to cede territory to Russia, two key Kremlin demands. Soon Trump went further, publicly blaming Ukraine and NATO's expansion into Eastern Europe for pushing Russia into war.

Even in the Kremlin, it seemed everything was suddenly turned upside down. The White House, not only embracing a Russian worldview, it appeared to be pushing for peace in Ukraine on Moscow's terms. The new administration is rapidly changing all foreign policy configurations, noted Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov in an interview on state television in March. And this new Trump approach, Peskov added, largely coincides with our vision.

Kremlin propagandists have embraced the shift. Trump is cutting off the Western world. Programs that once crackled with anti-American rhetoric now celebrate Trump's actions. These days, hostility is now squarely aimed at Europe over its continued support for Ukraine. Masks fell.

The masks are off, and now we see that Europe is the one truly behind the war, says Vladimir Solovyov, one of the Kremlin's key messengers in a recent program. Ilya Yablokov, a scholar on Russian disinformation, says the media's recasting of heroes and villains has been sudden, but not necessarily disorienting for a propaganda machine forever in search of an enemy. Once the Americans are replaced by the Europeans,

for the daily work of the so-called Russian media worker, because I cannot call them journalists. Nothing's changed. It just...

One single piece of the puzzle is replaced by another, of the same shape. Against this backdrop, the U.S. and Russia have engaged in a series of high-level meetings about ending the war, leaving Ukraine and Europe largely on the sidelines. Two nuclear powers deciding the fate of Europe has provided optics straight out of the Cold War, only with results far less grand. Putin rejected a Trump-backed ceasefire proposal following a second phone call in March,

praising Trump's peace efforts in theory, but demanding an end to all Western military support for Ukraine. Critics accuse Putin of feigning support for limited ceasefires, in effect dragging out negotiations, while continuing to push for Ukraine's capitulation on the battlefield.

Sergei Politaev, a supporter of the war effort who runs the Russian political and security analytics blog Vatfor, agrees. Yes, of course we see Putin is playing for time. And why is rather obvious. We haven't reached all our goals militarily, and therefore it's not in our interest to stop.

As we talk at a Moscow park, Politaev tells me he rejects the idea that Trump has given the Kremlin anything by way of concessions.

The American leader simply has no choice, says Politaev, but to accept Russia's gains on the battlefield for what they are and what they could still be. The Kremlin is certain that if we keep fighting, we'll not only gain more, he tells me, but actually achieve the very thing over which this whole conflict started. The underlying message, Russia will get its way, either through negotiations or by force.

But if Putin is in little mood for concessions to Ukraine, he's offering plenty to the U.S. From investments in minerals to prisoner exchanges, he even offers to help the U.S. in talks with Iran. Other Russian deals are very much on the table. A key player in all this, Kremlin envoy Kirill Dmitriev. American educated and the current head of Russia's sovereign wealth investment fund,

Dmitriev has emerged a relentlessly upbeat voice, calling for a new era of U.S.-Russian relations built on business and trade, as he explained in an interview with Fox News during a visit to Washington earlier this month. So I think one of the big issues between us, we never had really lots of economic cooperation. We believe that economic cooperation will allow us to also solve any political issues and be positive. And I think that positive economic

economic cooperation can happen with President Trump's team. Goliomov, the former Putin speechwriter, says it's all part of a Kremlin effort to expand negotiations and keep Trump's frustration over a lack of progress on Ukraine at bay. Since Trump allows himself to be seduced, tempted by these nice proposals, why not? They discuss business and Trump no longer presses. So this is the strategy of Putin.

In central Moscow, just outside the U.S. Embassy, a series of giant pro-war signs promise an inevitable Russian victory, with slogans like, We're United, and a giant letter Z, the Kremlin's chosen symbol of support for the invasion. And not only that, war recruitment posters are everywhere, on street billboards, in the shops.

It's a reminder that for all the frenetic diplomacy of the past few months, Russia is still very much a country engaged in what it sees as a proxy war with the West, and America in particular. On a nearby street, Olga Grishayeva, a retired engineer, tells me her expectations for change and Trump remain low. Everything he's doing, he's doing for America, she says. For Russia, it's the same as it was before.

The U.S. still gives weapons to Kiev and tells them where to fire. Artyom Arlyov, a university student, says he doesn't know if the U.S. and Russia will get along, but argues it's not just up to Trump. The American public, he tells me, also has to want peace with Russia. And some argue there's more than geopolitics at play. Mikhail, as I said, I'm a psychologist.

Mikhail, a licensed psychologist, offers a diagnosis, but not his last name, citing concern about reprisals from the government for both. Trump is a narcissist, he says, and narcissists are by definition unstable. If Trump doesn't get what he wants from Putin, he adds, things could end up a lot worse for Russia than they ever were under Biden.

Put another way, no one knows how Trump will react to Putin's mix of slow-walking negotiations on Ukraine and sweet-talking deals elsewhere. The answer may depend on how much America's famously transactional president can appreciate Putin's own art of the deal. NPR's Charles Maines in Moscow. That's the state of the world from NPR. Thanks for listening.

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