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Who Will Blink First in the US-China Trade War?

2025/4/18
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David Gura
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Jennifer Welch
以幽默和讽刺风格主持《I've Had It》播客的室内设计师和电视人物。
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John Liu
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David Gura: 本期节目讨论了特朗普总统和习近平主席达成谈判桌所需的条件、中国经济现状对其在贸易战中的地位的影响,以及为什么强硬策略这次不太可能奏效。 John Liu: 中国的主要担忧是与美国的来回谈判达成的任何协议都可能被推翻或美国反悔,他们不希望美国政府做出任何会让中国政府和习近平难堪的事情。 Jennifer Welch: 特朗普总统的策略是施压,而习近平主席则采取更系统的方法进行谈判。特朗普总统利用其强硬的谈判策略和国内支持来进行谈判,而中国则希望美国在谈判中表现出更多尊重,并采取更一致的关税立场。双方领导人的自尊心是谈判的主要障碍之一,特朗普和习近平都不想在贸易谈判中显得软弱。 中国希望达成协议,但不知道该如何去做。第一季度中国GDP数据好于预期,但这可能掩盖了中国经济的一些潜在弱点,中国面临房地产危机、消费者情绪低迷和消费支出疲软等问题,中国政府将采取更多刺激措施以应对关税的影响。 特朗普可能低估了中国反击的程度。中期选举可能是影响特朗普贸易政策的一个因素。美国对盟友的关税为中国提供了机会,使其成为全球经济的稳定力量。习近平正在访问东南亚,并试图改善与欧盟的关系,但一些国家对与中国的合作持谨慎态度。 中国在与美国进行“斗鸡游戏”中拥有很长的“跑道”,中国民众普遍支持政府对抗美国,中国政府有承受经济压力的经验。中国的谈判方式与美国的谈判方式不同,任何一方率先让步都会立即得到对方的回应,双方可能会通过更低级别的对话来为领导人层面的会谈铺路。 John Liu: 中国国内对反击美国关税普遍支持,民众普遍认为中国受到了不公平待遇。特朗普总统的关税政策与竞选承诺一致,中国对此感到意外,但这种意外是不必要的。中国对美国关税的积极反击令美国感到意外。中国经济的持续增长将决定其在贸易战中的策略。 中国只有在相信美国展现诚意后才会进行谈判。美国对盟友的关税为中国提供了机会,使其成为全球经济的稳定力量,而不是华盛顿特区,北京将华盛顿特区描绘成不可预测的,并且不太关心世界其他地区,主要关心自身。 习近平是一位注重稳定和果断的领导人,但在必要时也会做出重大改变。在应对COVID-19疫情时,他迅速放弃了清零政策。中国在与美国进行“斗鸡游戏”中拥有很长的“跑道”,中国民众普遍支持政府对抗美国,中国政府有承受经济压力的经验。 Jennifer Welch: 特朗普总统的策略是施压,而习近平主席则采取更系统的方法进行谈判。特朗普总统利用其强硬的谈判策略和国内支持来进行谈判,而中国则希望美国在谈判中表现出更多尊重,并采取更一致的关税立场。双方领导人的自尊心是谈判的主要障碍之一,特朗普和习近平都不想在贸易谈判中显得软弱。 特朗普和习近平之前曾达成过第一阶段贸易协议,第二阶段谈判因疫情和紧张局势加剧而未能启动。中期选举可能是影响特朗普贸易政策的一个因素。特朗普可能低估了中国反击的程度。

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The standoff between the U.S. and China continues to escalate, which is leading to economic uncertainty worldwide. Bloomberg News now reporting China is expanding the ongoing trade war. It does not seem like we're getting any kind of state visit or detente anytime soon, or even high-level talks. In the last two weeks, the U.S. has placed tariffs of 145% on Chinese exports.

And China has retaliated with tariffs of 125% and export restrictions on critical rare earth minerals. China wants to make a deal. They just don't know how quite to go about it. You know, it's one of those things they don't know how quite. They're proud people.

And President Xi's a proud man. At the moment, it doesn't seem to be working out, I think, in the way in which President Trump may have anticipated or hoped that it would. Jennifer Welch helped lead China policy at the National Security Council during the first Trump administration and also under President Biden. Today, she's chief geoeconomics analyst for Bloomberg Economics. I think President Trump's MO is to build pressure. There's a real contrast of approaches here. President Trump is...

prides himself on his unpredictability as well as his hardball tactics, right? Whereas Beijing, in particular Chinese President Xi Jinping, is a very methodical player when it comes to negotiations. They like structure, they like having a clear idea of what the agenda is going to be so they can prepare for it. And I think President Trump's unpredictability really puts them on the back heel in a lot of ways.

For its part, China has signaled it's open to talks. On Wednesday, Beijing appointed a point person for negotiations. But sources close to China's government have told Bloomberg that President Xi wants to see the White House approach talks with more respect. And it wants the Trump administration to adopt a more consistent position on tariffs.

It begs the question, with the world's two largest economies in a standoff, which leader, President Trump or President Xi, will blink first? China is not going to engage in negotiations until it feels confident

The United States has shown some sincerity. John Liu is Bloomberg's executive editor for Greater China. He's based in Beijing. I think the main concern for the Chinese side is that they go into some sort of back and forth with Washington.

And that whatever agreements they reach are either scuttled or the U.S. goes back on them. The U.S., the Trump administration does something to embarrass not only the Chinese government, but also Xi. And so that, I think, is the number one concern for the Chinese side. And they want to make sure that does not happen.

I'm David Gurra, and this is The Big Take from Bloomberg News. Today on the show, what it will take for Presidents Trump and Xi to come to the negotiating table, how the current state of China's economy impacts its positioning in the trade war, and why hardball tactics are unlikely to work this time around.

When President Trump announced sweeping tariffs on about 60 trading partners earlier this month, he made good on a big campaign promise. On day one, we will throw out Bidenomics and we will reinstate Maganomics. Maganomics.

We will go right after China. We will not rely on them one bit. And while China has long been a target of Trump's ire, the size and scope of these tariffs caught Beijing by surprise. But Bloomberg's John Liu says it shouldn't have come as a shock. I was surprised that they were surprised because...

I think what Donald Trump did was exactly what he said he was going to do, right? He said on the campaign trail, he's going to take tariffs on China to 60 some percent. After he took office, I think there was a bit of optimism here in China that that would not happen. But that's exactly what he did. The Chinese, for their part, made very clear that if tariffs came into effect, that they would hit back. And

From what I can glean, the U.S. was itself relatively surprised that the Chinese retaliated as proactively and aggressively as they did. Here in the U.S., this is all over the place in newspapers and on television. There in China, how much is this a subject of conversation? Is it everywhere as well? It's everywhere. It is the thing everybody is talking about. There's an overwhelming country-wide debate

consensus or sort of broad support for China to fight this. And so these tariffs have made Xi Jinping very popular for retaliating. It's seen, I think, a broad swelling of patriotic sentiment, support for the government. And there is this feeling on the ground here amongst ordinary people, business owners,

that China is being wronged by these tariffs. I think the additional thing here, though, is there is a sense of foreboding. I think there is a sense of what does it mean for China economically and could this get even worse? John, on Wednesday, China's National Bureau of Statistics reported that the country's gross domestic product grew 5.4% in the first quarter from a year ago. That's more than was expected.

How does China's economic position play into how it's approaching this trade war? I think the longer China can keep the economy ticking along, the longer China can hold out. And I think ultimately, this is sort of a game of chicken, if you will, but also I think a game of endurance. And so whether or not economically China can keep growth up, I think that'll be

a determining factor in how this trade war unfolds. And you mentioned the GDP data was better than expected for the first quarter. I don't know that that is super telling of the actual economic conditions here on the ground. There was actually a lot of exports in the first quarter that were pulled ahead, that companies in the U.S., buyers in the U.S. actually moved their orders ahead and sort of built up their inventories ahead.

in anticipation that there would be higher tariffs on Chinese goods. And so that might be actually hiding some of the underlying weakness in the Chinese economy. We've had a terrible property crisis that is yet to be resolved. We've had weak consumer sentiment, weak consumer spending.

The government has promised and has already started to roll out lots of stimulus measures to try and get household spending again, get companies investing again. And I would expect that the government will do more of that and at a greater magnitude as we go forward as the impact of these tariffs are felt more broadly. That's going to determine how negotiations between the U.S. and China play out. But another factor will be personality.

Bloomberg's Jennifer Welch, who worked in the first Trump administration, thinks Trump's longstanding emphasis on the art of the deal will play a huge role. From his perspective, he is the dealmaker, right? He plays hardball. He is very much empowered at home. And I think he's trying to leverage that opportunity.

to bring a lot of confidence into these negotiations as sort of coming in with a mandate from the American people and really trying to utilize the

fullest extent of America's comprehensive national power here and sort of going further than most presidents have in the past to challenge the limits of that. That's how I think he is approaching not just China, but negotiations with all these partners. What role does pride play in these conversations? You have two leaders here who are extremely proud individuals. I think it's fair to say. How does that affect or shape the

talks of this magnitude? I think that's one of the main hurdles to talks really taking off in a serious way at this point in time. Obviously, there's a lot of pain on both sides. There's the potential for even deeper pain as these tariffs start to bite. And yet we're not really seeing a lot of progress in terms of negotiations. And in fact, each side still seems to be saying that the ball is in the other side's court. And I think a main reason for that is because neither of them wants to look weak, right? President Trump, especially after pausing on reciprocal tariffs and then even on the electronics exemptions,

has been kind of pushing back in other ways to demonstrate he's still very strong on trade. And I think that's especially important for him when it comes to China because of the legacy of his campaign promises there and the legacy of his first term of wanting to appear tough on Beijing. I think likewise for President Xi Jinping, he feels as the leader of the second largest economy in the world, they need to demonstrate that they can't be pushed around by the United States anymore. They took those prior tariff hikes on the chin and

and have to demonstrate their willingness to stand up for China. I think we're familiar with President Trump's personality, but President Xi is much more of an enigma for American audiences. And John, I wonder if you could paint a picture for us of him as a leader, how he's responded and what that tells us just about the way he approaches leading his country. I think he is a leader that projects stability, that projects stability.

forthrightness and standing his place, not making sudden turns in policy. But at the same time, I think when push comes to shove, he will make dramatic changes. During COVID, China had this COVID zero policy

It put a tremendous burden on the economy, on the average citizen. And then at the end of 2022, we started seeing protests, people going on the street, wanting the government to end the COVID zero policy. And because of that, he did almost overnight, just did away with that policy. And he is a man who is willing to make changes. But before that, I think he's shown that he's going to project strength and he's going to project stability.

and that he knows where he's going and it's the right direction forward. Jennifer Welch says what President Trump may have been betting on is that China's economic situation, in particular the size of its debt, along with the housing and youth unemployment crises John mentioned, would make Xi bend. This is me reading the tea leaves a little bit. He may have not...

fully anticipated the extent to which Beijing was going to push back on this. So I think he engaged in kind of this tit for tat with Beijing to try and back them down by escalating to de-escalate again. But the de-escalation never happened. And now we have these extremely high tariff rates on both sides. After the break, where the U.S.-China trade war goes from here and the weapons Beijing has at its disposal to counter additional tariffs.

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Tensions between the U.S. and China are fraught right now. And from the rhetoric coming out of the White House, you'd think the two have never been further apart on trade. But Bloomberg Economics' Jennifer Welch says Presidents Trump and Xi have brokered a deal before.

It was inked in January 2020. It's called the Phase One Trade Deal. And that was meant to be the starting point for what were called Phase Two negotiations that were supposed to deal with much more contentious issues around structural reforms in China that never really took off, in part because of the pandemic and in part because of, you know, deepening U.S.-China tensions.

Yeah.

Or is it going to be trying to attack what those phase two talks that never started were geared towards these larger structural issues? And I think different members of the administration probably have different perspectives on that. And the key question is going to be what's President Trump's view, right? And

Some of this may depend a little bit on the timeline, to be frank, right? I think one of the major incentives for him on the phase one deal was it was inked in an election year. And he probably wanted to put the U.S.-China trade war to the side and get that resolved before heading into a presidential election. Jennifer says it's important to remember that while President Trump isn't up for reelection and doesn't seem too worried about the fallout from a trade war...

Many of his allies in Congress are, and the midterms are right around the corner. That could be an incentive for him where maybe the ambition, so to speak, is lowered to something more like a phase one redux deal.

But I think that's a million dollar question at this point. And it's also another reason why talks probably haven't progressed all that far. As the stalemate continues, both the U.S. and China are eyeing other trade partners. The Trump administration has been lining up potential deals with some of China's biggest economic rivals. Some of the president's economic advisers met with leaders from Japan yesterday. And the administration has talks scheduled with South Korea and India in the coming weeks.

For his part, President Xi has made trips to Vietnam, Cambodia and Malaysia. And John Liu says Xi is looking to improve China's trade relationship with the EU. Not only has Trump put these tariffs on China, but he's also put them on lots of American allies, Europe, many Southeast Asian countries. And so

That gives China an opportunity to step in and to have itself be seen as a stabilizing force in the global economy, as opposed to Washington, D.C., which Beijing will project as being unpredictable and as being not so caring about the rest of the world and concerned mostly about itself.

Xi Jinping is in Southeast Asia this week. He's visiting Vietnam. He's visiting Malaysia. In Vietnam, he called on the Vietnamese to partner with China to resist the unilateral bullying that's happening in the world, which is, of course, a veiled reference to the United States. There's been reports that we're going to get many European leaders visiting Beijing later this year for a summit. That would suggest another opportunity for China to enhance its relationship with Europe.

Whether or not other countries wholeheartedly embrace China, I think is a different question. In Asia, for example, you have places like Japan, India, the Philippines, other Southeast Asian countries that have territorial disputes with China.

And so they are not going to be embracing China that quickly. There's going to be suspicion in those relationships. Same with Europe. China has supported Russia and its war, invasion of Ukraine diplomatically, rhetorically, economically. And so that has put many European countries off. And so there's going to be suspicion as China tries to strengthen these relationships. You characterize this as a game of chicken.

And I'm wondering sort of how long China has here, how long the runway is for President Xi to hold out on negotiating before the situation becomes difficult for China economically. Any sense of that at this point? I would say the runway for Xi in terms of that game of chicken is very long.

Without a doubt, there is broad public support for China to fight back. And I think that means people are willing to take a little bit more pain if it means that that's what they need to do to contribute to the fight against the United States.

And the other thing I would say is the Chinese government has a history of enduring difficult periods where they've placed additional burdens on local companies, local households. COVID is a great example of that. You know, I don't know of many countries where the government could have imposed lockdowns like they did here in China. And so I do think those points suggest that they can play this game for quite a while.

Meaning President Trump might not get that phone call anytime soon. And the reason for that is there's a very different cultural dynamic at work where the Chinese believe very strongly that at a working level that Xi will appoint somebody, that Trump will appoint somebody, and those two individuals will go back and forth and back and forth and back and forth and work out all the details of a deal.

And only after that deal has been finalized and everybody's happy with it, only then will Xi Jinping appear to shake hands and sign something. President Trump really just wants to get Xi on the phone and try and work something out person to person, one on one. And it's just not the way the Chinese system works. It's not the way that Xi Jinping works.

So back to that big question, who's going to blink first? I put it to both Jennifer Welch in Washington and John Liu in Beijing. The first person to blink is going to immediately get a quick response from the other side. So if President Trump blinks first, you're going to get something affirmative from the Chinese side because they want out of this just as badly.

If the Chinese blink, I think you probably will hear this great sigh of relief from Washington, D.C. My bet would be that it is going to be neither side overtly, obviously blinking. I think conversations are going to start in a quieter way at more working levels to set the stage eventually for a leader level conversation because of sort of their mutual interest in guarding their respective prides. So that's my prediction.

We'll see what ends up actually occurring. This is The Big Take from Bloomberg News. I'm David Gurra. This episode was produced by David Fox, Rachel Lewis-Kriske, and our Deputy Executive Producer, Julia Weaver. It was edited by Patty Hirsch, John Liu, Jennifer Welch, and Chris Ancey. It was fact-checked by Adriana Tapia and mixed and sound designed by Alex Segura.

Our senior producer is Naomi Chavon. Our senior editor is Elizabeth Ponso. Our executive producer is Nicole Beamster-Boer. Sage Bauman is Bloomberg's head of podcasts. If you liked this episode, make sure to subscribe and review The Big Take wherever you listen to podcasts. It helps people find the show. Thanks for listening. We'll be back tomorrow.

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