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cover of episode The big global security questions for 2025

The big global security questions for 2025

2025/1/1
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World in 10

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Marina Miron
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Marina Miron: 特朗普不太可能在2025年促成俄乌和平。俄罗斯占据战场优势,不愿谈判;乌克兰可能需要做出领土让步,且美国对欧洲盟友国防支出的立场不明确,难以保证乌克兰安全。战争可能因乌克兰人力资源短缺而降级,但和平谈判能否成功仍是未知数。 伊朗在未来12个月内重建地区影响力将面临挑战。叙利亚局势动荡,以色列实力增强,以及潜在的特朗普政府制裁都将阻碍伊朗复苏。但伊朗可能寻求发展核武,并长期构成对中东稳定的威胁。 加沙停火协议能否长期维持取决于后续的重建计划和政治解决方案。历史经验表明,尤其是在国家与非国家行为者之间的停火,容易因一方利用停火时间重整旗鼓而破裂。 中国在2025年不太可能攻打台湾。特朗普政府的对华强硬立场和中国军队缺乏实战经验降低了军事行动的可能性。但中美关系、中东局势、俄乌战争以及朝中关系等因素将影响中国对台政策。 Alex Dibble and James Hansen: 作为主持人,Alex Dibble 和 James Hansen 提出问题,引导 Marina Miron 对 2025 年全球安全局势中的几个关键问题进行分析,包括俄乌战争的走向、伊朗在中东地区的影响力以及中国可能对台湾采取的行动。他们对 Marina Miron 的分析进行了补充和引导,并总结了访谈内容。

Deep Dive

Key Insights

Why is it unlikely that Donald Trump will be able to negotiate a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine in 2025?

Russia is not keen on negotiations and prefers to negotiate from a position of strength, while Ukraine would have to cede territories temporarily. Trump's stance on NATO and defense spending also complicates the security guarantees for Ukraine. Ukraine's manpower shortages and the war of attrition further complicate the situation.

Why will it be difficult for Iran to rebuild its regional influence in the Middle East over the next 12 months?

Iran has lost powerful proxies like Hamas and Hezbollah, and the future of Syria is uncertain. The potential rise of the Islamic State in a Sunni-dominated Syria and Israel's strengthened position make it challenging for Iran to regroup. Additionally, Iran might face more sanctions and confrontations under a Trump administration.

Why is the success of a potential ceasefire in Gaza uncertain?

The success of a ceasefire depends on a reconstruction plan and a political solution for Gaza. There is a risk of a power vacuum and a humanitarian crisis, and historical examples show that ceasefires between a state and a non-state actor often break down, allowing one side to regroup and strike again.

Why is it unlikely that China will launch an invasion of Taiwan in 2025?

China's potential move on Taiwan depends on global dynamics and the presence of a hawkish Trump administration. Taiwan's importance as a producer of semiconductors and the U.S. military response, including the possibility of nuclear escalation, make such a move highly risky. China's lack of battlefield experience and the potential for dangerous escalatory spirals also deter an invasion.

Chapters
This chapter explores the feasibility of Donald Trump negotiating a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine in 2025, considering Trump's past rhetoric, Russia's current position of strength, and the potential risks to Ukraine's security under a Trump presidency. The discussion highlights the complexities of achieving a compromise that satisfies all parties and the uncertain future of the war's intensity.
  • Trump's potential role in Ukraine-Russia peace negotiations
  • Russia's unwillingness to negotiate from a position of weakness
  • Ukraine's potential need to cede territories
  • Concerns about US security commitments under Trump

Shownotes Transcript

Translations:
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Welcome to The World in 10. In an increasingly uncertain world, this is The Times' daily podcast dedicated to global security. Today, with me, Alex Dibble and James Hansen. As the new year begins, we're going to take a look at some of the big global security questions for 2025. For example, will Donald Trump be able to negotiate a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine? Will Iran be able to rebuild its sphere of influence in the Middle East?

And could this be the year that China makes a move on Taiwan? In short, where could 2025 take us? Our guest today is Marina Miron from the War Studies Department of King's College London. Marina, let's start with the return of Donald Trump. He's previously said he would be able to end the war in Ukraine in just 24 hours. That seems unlikely, but...

How feasible is it that Donald Trump will be able to negotiate some kind of peace between Russia and Ukraine during 2025? Well, it's a very interesting question because obviously we have the rhetoric on the one hand and there have been a lot of opinions as far as

Trump's connection to Russia is concerned and that the Russian president would be preferring Trump over any other candidate. So that is one side of the story. But the reality is the Russians do not seem very keen on any sort of negotiations or any sort of freezing of the conflict.

And because they have the upper hand on the battlefield, they surely will want, if it comes to any sort of negotiations, to negotiate from a position of strength. And therefore, for Ukraine, of course, it doesn't look good because Ukraine would have to, as some European politicians said, maybe temporarily cede the territories that Russia controls temporarily.

until further notice, so to say, and perhaps join NATO as sort of a part of Ukraine minus those territories. So the problem here is, on the one hand, is getting a compromise that benefits all and that all parties agree to, which I don't see happening here.

On the other hand, who is going to guarantee Ukraine security? Because with Trump, we also know his stance towards defense spending of European NATO members and his threats to leave NATO and to remove the security umbrellas that European NATO members have enjoyed despite the low defense spending.

And therefore, it's quite a complex situation. But can the war end is another question, because if we look at Ukraine and if we look at the manpower shortages it faces, the question is how long can it sustain the war of attrition that the Russians are waging?

So, essentially, it will have to come to some sort of reduction of at least intensity of the war. That being said, I do think that we will get to that point. Whether it will be through negotiations remains questionable.

Marina, let's turn to one of the other big areas of conflict in the world, the Middle East. During 2024, we've seen Israel strengthened and Iran weakened, notably through the degrading of Hamas and Hezbollah's leadership and also through the fall of the Assad regime in Syria.

Will Iran be able to rebuild its regional influence over the next 12 months, or will the Ayatollahs primarily be concerned with the survival of their own regime? Well, over the next 12 months might be very difficult for Iran, not just because of the fact that Iran has lost some powerful proxies,

but because we don't know what is going to happen in Syria and what the future of Syria holds in terms of its political orientation, who is going to be ruling Syria. And I think that depends to a great extent on

on what diplomatic relations the power-seeking individuals or groups can establish, as well as their ability to reach some common understanding, because we know HDS is fragmented. The Syrian National Army is also fragmented in terms of what they want and how they see the future of Syria. That being said,

Most likely Syria will be Sunni dominated. There are fears that it might invite the rise of the Islamic State. So in those conditions and with Israel now using this momentum to build up the buffer zone to strengthen its position in the Middle East,

It will certainly be difficult to rebuild its capabilities. That being said, I think I'm not excluding the possibilities that Iran might try to build up a nuclear arsenal because it has been a gray area.

And of course, Iran has to prepare for a potential confrontation when Donald Trump enters the Oval Office. If we judge by the previous Trump administration and the Middle East policy, the backing of Israel, Iran might be seeing more sanctions imposed and attempts to curtail its power even more. So I don't think that the next 12 months will be enough for Iran to

recalibrate and to regroup and recover. But I think that we also have to remember that we're waiting for a response, for an Iranian response to the Israeli strike. So in this context, Iran is not in a hurry.

And it's much more of a long-term threat to Middle Eastern stability than a short-term one. And at the time of recording, negotiations are ongoing for a deal to release the hostages and stop the fighting in Gaza.

If a ceasefire agreement is reached, how likely is it that it'll hold? That's a very difficult question because the problem is not just reaching a ceasefire agreement, but to have a reconstruction plan for Gaza and some sort of a political solution.

And I don't see that being discussed very much or at least not in open source. So the success, if it is reached indeed, will depend on what essentially happens next.

And we have seen those examples from history, and history repeats itself, seems to be very cyclical in certain scenarios, because there might be a power vacuum in Gaza. Gaza is completely destroyed. You have a humanitarian crisis there. So who is going to take the lead in Gaza? Who is going to take the political lead in Gaza? What is it going to be?

Will it be autonomous? So what political position will it have? And of course, who is going to step in and rebuild Gaza? And I think those are key questions in terms of how, let's say, effective this ceasefire would be. Because generally speaking, and again, looking at historic examples, and we just had Syria,

ceasefires tend to break down, especially if we're talking about ceasefires between a state and a non-state actor. And that's exactly the scenario we have here. So often ceasefire would benefit one side to regroup the

and recover and strike again. And Marina, for several years now, there have been concerns that China may launch an invasion of Taiwan. Over the last 12 months, we've seen Beijing launch more naval drills in the South China Sea. Could 2025 be the year Xi Jinping decides to make a move? I think it will depend on the global dynamics. At least for now, I do not foresee China taking that step.

Especially not with Donald Trump being the president of the United States, because I think should China go that far? And we have to remember why Taiwan is important to the Western world.

And the reason for that being is that Taiwan is the greatest producer of a specific type of semiconductors on which our industries depend. Yes, the United States has relocated some of the factories from Taiwan to the United States.

specifically fearing that there might be an escalation. But that being said, I think that Donald Trump and his administration being more hawkish towards China could answer with an armed response. And I don't think that China has that appetite at the moment. We have to remember that Chinese army doesn't have any battlefield experience. And

And so I think we will see those strategic signaling signs, shall we call them. But I don't think that we will actually see a blockade of Taiwan or any sort of armed confrontation.

And of course, we should also remember that the United States has nuclear weapons. China has nuclear weapons. So that would be quite a dangerous escalatory spiral should it come to that military confrontation. That being said, not everything is based on rationality, but I don't see that happening at least in 2025. And of course, we will have to see how the Middle East evolves.

where China certainly has interests how the war in Ukraine ends or maybe diminishes in intensity. So those will be the determining factors also affecting that specific region. And of course, we also have to see what happens with the relationship between China and North Korea.

That is another problem area which I foresee to be more in focus in 2025, possibly because of Russia's support to Pyongyang. Marina, thank you. That is Marina Miron from the War Studies Department of King's College London. That's it from us. Thank you for taking 10 minutes to stay on Top of the World with the help of The Times. We'll see you tomorrow.