Malaysian Prime Minister Visits LSE
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Good morning, everyone. My name is Larry Kramer. I'm the president and vice chancellor at the London School of Economics, and it's my privilege and pleasure to welcome you to LSE's Old Theatre for this special event. LSE has hosted a lot of world leaders over the past 130 years. This is my first, which makes it...

Which makes it a memorable event for me, and I hope by the end of this it's a memorable event for all of the rest of you as well, and particularly for you, Mr. Prime Minister. Before we hear from the Prime Minister, we actually have a wonderful little bit of ceremonial business to attend to. So to tell us more about that, I'd like to invite the incredible president of LSE's amazing Malaysian Alumni Society, Dr. Osman Shahmud Yusuf, to the lecture.

Honourable Prime Minister of Malaysia, Yang Mabrohoma Datu Sri Anwar bin Ibrahim, Professor Larry Kramer, President and Vice-Chancellor of the London School of Economics and Political Science, Ministers of the Malaysian Government, Government Officials, High Commissioner of Malaysia to UK, esteemed members of the Malaysian delegation, faculty members of the LSE, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh, peace be upon you and a very good morning.

The last time I was on this stage was in 1992, when I performed the Dikeh Barat during our annual Malaysia night, which is always a sell-out crowd every year. Never in my wildest dreams did I think that I would be the opening act to a Prime Minister's gig. Obviously, I will not be doing the Dikeh Barat today, but...

Allow me to be the tukang karut to set the context as to why we are all gathered here today for such a momentous occasion. Of all the tertiary institutions of higher education in the UK, the LSE has had a rather unique link with Malaysia through a number of little-known contributions to our development towards becoming a sovereign nation.

LSE's connection to Malaysia began way back in 1947, when Sir Alexander Carr Saunders, the Director of LSE at that time, served as the Chairman of the Committee on University Education in Malaya. The Carr Saunders Commission laid the grounds for the amalgamation of the King Edward VII College of Medicine and the Raffles College, which led to the establishment of the University of Malaya in Singapore in 1949.

From the archives, there is this letter dated 29 March 1956 from a future LSE director, Sir Sidney Kane, who was at that time Vice-Chancellor of the University of Malaya, writing to Sir Alexander Carr-Saunders about the possible secondment of LSE teaching staff to Malaya to set up a course on public administration.

LSE had also had a hand in the formation of our country, when Tun Muhammad Ghazali Shafi, who did a postgraduate diploma in international relations in 1954, became one of two Malaysians who were appointed to the Kabul Commission in 1962, which would later pave the way for the formation of Malaysia.

Over the years, the links between Malaysia and the LSE were further strengthened by the increasing number of students from Malaysia enrolling for their first degrees as well as their postgraduate studies at the school. The ties between Malaysia and LSE have produced such a rich harvest of both prominent scholars and political leaders, as well as leading figures in the corporate sector and civil service.

For the record, Tan Sri Siti Zaliha Muhammad Ali is believed to be the first Malay lady to study at LSE from 1946 to 1948, studying social policy under distinguished left-wing Professor Harold Lesky. Her elder brother, who is a legend by himself, the late Tony Smile Ali,

who headed both Bank Negara, the central bank, and Permodalan National Berhad, got her enrolled at LSE, as he considered it to be a happening place in England back then. Still is. The individuals believed to be the first Malaysians to graduate from LSE were Mr Wang Si Cheong, who graduated with a certificate in social science, and Ms Fatima Shah, who graduated with a certificate in social science and administration, both in 1949.

Since then, 4,222 Malaysian citizens have graduated from LSE and there are currently 2,702 active LSE alumni living in Malaysia. Currently, the LSE connection can be seen in the political arena. We do have one minister in your cabinet, Datuk Seri, and we used to control parliamentary proceedings through a former speaker, although a few have taken a break and keluar sekejap.

For the record, even in Datuk Seri's political party, the late Said Hussein Ali did his doctorate in LSE. So we have had a hand in also the formation of the ruling party. LSE alumni can be found in great numbers in Central Bank of Malaysia. There's about 125 currently.

Pemodalan National Berhad, there are around 50 that's working there. Kazana as well. Securities Commission, around 25. And one of us has actually managed to infiltrate the Prime Minister's office. I hope he's giving sound economic advice to you. Datuk Seri, the LSE Ramlai runs Malaysia's sovereign fund, a few banks, the airport, and two LSE thugs are manning the ports at the Straits of Malacca.

We are everywhere. We are serving the nation, putting to good use our LSE education. And it was due to these strong ties that the LSE Alumni Society of Malaysia was established in 1985 to forge a strong, close working relationship with LSE and foster the alumni fraternity networking in Malaysia.

Founded 40 years ago by the late Dato' Mohd Zani Rahim, LSE AASM has grown from strength to strength, making LSE AASM one of the largest and most active alumni groups in Asia, ably led by the subsequent presidents, of whom two past presidents are here with us today, Dato' Lee Hau Hian and Tan Sri Munai Majid. Among some of the most memorable events organised by us were the George Soros Dinner Talk,

on 15 December 2006, and the LSE Asia Forum held in Kuala Lumpur in 2014. In 2018, LSE invited LSE ASM to make a contribution to help fund the construction of the Centre Building, a state-of-the-art, highly sustainable academic and teaching building.

We duly accepted the invitation and launched the Malaysia Floor Fundraising Initiative during a panel discussion organised by LSE ASM, together with IDEAS, on the status of institutional reform after 100 days of the Pakatan Harapan Government on 25 August 2018. And of course, the panellists were all LSE alumni, some of you already know.

And what followed was a flurry of fundraising events with the objective of raising half a million pounds to secure a place to call our own. We made steady progress. We had a lot of events until this guy came along. The contributions dried up. Doors were slammed shut in our faces. Most of them were mine. Rejections were plenty, but we persevered. And in October 2021, we hit the target and finally we got a place to call our own.

The Malaysia Auditorium and the breakout space is located at the lower ground floor of the Centre Building. Apart from the naming rights, the Malaysia Auditorium will provide space to feature Malaysian memorabilia, and it will be the location for events hosted by the LSE SU Malaysian Club, which I am sure are here today. And there will also be an annual Malaysian lecture by a prominent Malaysian.

Dr Sri, throughout the fundraising initiative, there was only one name that we had in mind to launch the Malaysia Auditorium and give the inaugural Malaysia Lecture. I had approached your office in 2018 to present the idea with a working title, please forgive me, from POW to PIW, from Political Prisoner of War to Prime Minister in Waiting. Unfortunately, we had to wait a little bit longer.

as Malaysia decided to challenge the United Kingdom to a game of political football to see who can change their government more often. The United Kingdom beat us 4-3, I believe it was on penalties, but after all the drama, after all the efforts, today we finally got our man. All that is left for me to do is to thank the generous donors and contributors to the Malaysia Auditorium, whether big or small the amounts can be, who have made this day possible.

Datuk Sri Anwar, Ladies and Gentlemen, the LSE AASM's initiative to give back to society does not end here.

We are in the process of launching a scholarship endowment fund to help deserving Malaysians to study at the LSE. Whilst we may have on average more than 150 Malaysians enrolling at the LSE every year, there are many others who fail to make it due to financial constraints. We need to correct this. And we hope to approach some of the delegates from Corporate Malaysia, who we sneaked into the auditorium today, to contribute to the cause.

The other way that LSE ASM is giving back to society is through healthy debate and discourse, to know the causes of things, and find solutions to topical, important, nation-building issues. In keeping with the no-give policy of the Malaysian Government, we will not be giving you fruits, flowers or chocolates.

But a group of us have been working quietly in coffee joints across KL, conducting extensive research, interviewing stakeholders and holding focus group meetings to come up with clear unbiased analysis, heavily watered down, ideas and recommendations to improve the quality of education in Malaysia

In response to the Ministry of Education's call for suggestions for the upcoming Future of Malaysian Education 2026-2036 plan, we hope that Datuk Sri and your colleagues in government may find something useful in our paper, and we will be handing over this white paper of ours to you at the end of your lecture.

Ladies and gentlemen, today marks the fourth appearance by Yang Ahmad Berhormat Dato Sri Anwar at LSE. The last occasion was on 18th March 2010, when the then leader of the Malaysian opposition spoke on religion and pluralism in a divided world. This will be Yang Ahmad Berhormat Dato Sri Anwar's inaugural speech since assuming the role of Prime Minister of Malaysia, a role that he has waited for more than 20 years to play. Giving a speech

that we at LSE ASM have been waiting almost seven years to hear. Thank you, Yang Ahmad Baramat, Prime Minister, for officiating the launch of the Malaysia Auditorium and for giving the inaugural Malaysia Lecture. Thank you to the LSE for hosting this memorable event and to the organising committee comprising of LSE ASM, LSE,

Malaysian High Commission in London, the Prime Minister's Office and all those who have helped make this event happen on such short notice. Thank you for a job well done. To all present here today, have a productive and memorable day. Thank you.

I'd like to invite everyone up here to, if you would do the unveiling of a flag. Before we do, just so you know, we would have loved to do this in the auditorium itself, just as a sign of how important it is for us, actually. It is under use for exams, and the one thing that is more important is the taking of assessments. But we're delighted to be able to do this here, please. And I think there's a pan of luck that you just signed it. Thank you.

- It's actually no fun to have to follow Dr. Osman as a speaker.

But as I mentioned, I've only been in this job for about nine months and I'm still meeting our alumni societies around the world. I had one of the best meetings I've had in Kuala Lumpur with the Malaysian society, which was, it was wonderful in so many ways. There were hard questions, there was a lot of great conversations, but I will say with confidence from my experience to date, no one throws a better dinner party than the LSE alumni of Malaysia.

Seriously, it's now my privilege to introduce our speaker this morning. Dato' Serianwar Ibrahim is, as you know, the 10th Prime Minister of Malaysia, sworn in on November 24, 2022. But his appointment followed a decades-long political journey, which he began as a prominent student activist advocating for social justice and democratic reform.

Prime Minister Anwar rose quickly once he entered formal politics, and he has held many ministerial posts over the years, including Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports in 1983, Minister of Agriculture in 1984, Minister of Education in 1986, and Minister of Finance from 1991 to 1998.

a position he held simultaneously as Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia from 1993 till 1998. Perfect career preparation for the role of Prime Minister. During the Asian financial crisis, the now Prime Minister was internationally hailed for his work navigating the country through a period of significant instability.

As Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister, he backed free market principles and shone a light on the sometimes unsavory relationship between business and politics. His unexpected and abrupt removal from office motivated him to become a tireless campaigner for transparency and social justice. He launched Reformasi, a reform movement that championed the cause of the poor and fought against government corruption and abuse of power.

The movement ultimately reshaped the country's political landscape, inspired a generation of democracy activists, and led to Dr. Saryanwar becoming leader of the opposition in parliament, but only after years of politically motivated prosecution, persecution, and incarceration. Now, as prime minister, he continues to speak up in Malaysia and around the region for democracy and pluralism, the values to which he has dedicated his life.

The Prime Minister has spoken and written widely on economic, social, and political issues. Indeed, this is not, as you just heard, his first lecture at LSE. And he has spoken here before on such issues as religious pluralism, Islam's relationship with the West, and the philosophy of a March Ascent. If, as the Prime Minister says, we are living through an Asian Renaissance, then history will almost certainly regard him as one of its authors.

for the way he has blended the pragmatism of public service, the creativity of intellectual inquiry, and the clarity of moral purpose over his long and influential career. And we are truly delighted to welcome you back to the London School of Economics.

Before I invite the Prime Minister to the stage, just one housekeeping matter. We will have an opportunity for questions to the speaker, and I'll try to ensure a range of questions from both our online audience and our audience here in the theater. Those of you in the theater, when we get to it, just raise your hand. Someone will bring you a microphone. When called upon, though, just if you would give us your name and affiliation and then pose one short question.

uh questions so we can get to as many questions as possible those of you joining us online can submit your questions through the q a feature at the bottom of your screen also let us know your name and affiliation and we're particularly keen to hear from our students and alumni and then finally for the social media users in the audience

The hashtag for today's event is @LSEevents. The event is being recorded and will hopefully be made available as a podcast. And with that, it is my genuine pleasure to invite the Honorable Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim to the lecture. - And friends and students, thank you very much. I've got my colleagues ministers here

I understand ASEAN ambassadors are also here, and more importantly students, where I see. I was invited ten years ago, as Prime Minister, in waiting. I understand why I refused to accept the invitation, because I've been in waiting with one of the longest in waiting Prime Ministers in the world. So it's always a pleasure to be associated with the London School of Economics.

As you know, it is an institution that has educated a great number of esteemed Malaysians. They were more progressive and left when they were here. Most of them have joined the system, with the exception probably of Professor Sa'ud Sen Ali, who happens to be my professor of sociology, who remained left under Lasky till the end. The rest are all becoming followers of Adam Smith.

No, no, no, not serious. That's quite true. Now, ladies and gentlemen, the international order today is in a tremendous flux. We're in an assortment of pressure points, disruptive events, and evolving transboundary challenges are negatively impacting efforts on global governance and multilateral cooperation. Existing rules and norms are being questioned.

and challenge. Some are unquestionably unjust, blatantly abused by the powerful and thus are deeply in need of reform towards a more inclusive and just order. Others, however, underpin the very system of peace, prosperity and cooperation that many of us in the global community hold dear and should be strengthened where necessary.

defended where it must and applied fairly without exception. These changes have had social impacts across our respective countries and communities, leading to the rise of populist politics. Once merely a fringe of discourse, it now occupies the centre stage and the corridors of power from North America to Europe, here in the United Kingdom, in Latin America and even back home in Asia.

To complicate matters, we are sometimes caught in a trap sprung from the alluring and persuasive power of the era of post-truth politics, where anyone today can fabricate content in order to generate news, and where such news may sometimes be taken as true even when it is fake. Welcome to the post-truth era.

where lies are not only tolerated but sometimes embraced as the holy writ. The question therefore is: can democracy really function when such a state of being engenders the politics of exclusion, division, dispossession and hate which then cross the rhetoric to policies? The world is changing.

and many struggle to grasp its implications and their place in the emerging scheme of things. Instead of reassuring electorates and better preparing them for the future, we sometimes elect it to weaponize fear and uncertainty, sow the seeds of suspicion and animosity, and to victimize the other. To refer to the often quoted youth, Edward Sykes,

or Orientalism, or for that matter Martin Kramer. This goes against the very ethos of LSE's Fabian founders, who advocated progressive ideas of social democracy and social justice and what it takes to have a good society. We are then stirred from our old long dogmatic slumber, not by the exhortations of David Hume,

on abandoning dogmas but a timely and I would say more practical reminder of John Ross's enduring question on what principles of justice should prevail in order to attain to a good society that is a society that is fair and egalitarian. From the point of governance,

I would venture to say that the attainment of such a society must stem from the expanding of the national wealth, public funds, towards the growth of human capital, chiefly through education, housing and healthcare. Additionally, poverty eradication and the creation of humane living and working conditions shall remain paramount. I want to refer to the assessment evaluation by the alumni

He's just going to present to me, but with my intelligence outfit. I've had a copy in Perusro, and thank you, you were extremely critical of the system, expenditure not adequate for the primary education, and the need to retrain and upscale our teachers. Thank you for the remarks. Don't charge the Ministry of Education for that. No, but this is what I mean by having a re-earned discourse.

democratic accountability. Democracy is not about elections, about having leaders to have the preparedness, to be prepared to listen and evaluate and take criticisms. And once you get this exposure and training at institutions like LSE, it is your duty, therefore, to come back and contribute. We are the team of reform. We listen, and I can assure you

that some of these ideas will be incorporated and taken into account by the Ministry of Education. If it's not done, then we may have to introduce a new Minister of Education. Now the creation... Don't take it seriously. It will be a sleepless night for the Minister. The creation of wealth of nations should not be a license for unbridled capitalism.

inasmuch as the principles of political economy cannot be subjected to the dictates of short-term gains, let alone political expediency. On the contrary, rather than playing to the gallery of populist demand, the imperative responsible governance enjoins us to formulate policies and take decisive actions for the greater good, namely sustainable economic growth and shared prosperity.

Well said and done. We all want to emerge as great statesmen. Remember the Churchillian addict. Great statesmen, think of the next generation, and lose the next elections. A politician, of course, talks in terms of populist policies that would ensure that they win the next elections. So how do you then...

navigate to ensure that you remain true to the principles and ideals which means emerging as true statesmen but at the same time understand the demand and dictates of our times the concerns of the citizens so I don't want to be to claim to be a good statesman I think there must be some this way LSE should share some of the notes with me how to then navigate this

Now, the reality is that we are also in an era of profound uncertainty, one that is shaped by the will of great powers. The United States-China competition has redefined economies, technologies and alliances across the globe. But it is most keenly felt in the Asia Pacific, including ASEAN, the world's largest and fastest developing region.

This rivalry not only intersects with the aspirations of our region, but also challenges the peace and stability that underpins this drive for growth and prosperity. Economic interdependence, once seen as the cornerstone of global peace and prosperity, now appears fragile.

It is only becoming a source of tension but could also turn into an Achilles' heel for many economies that have flourished under globalization. Trade wars, tariffs, sanctions have become regular instruments. The new mantra

but it becomes instruments of strategic rivalry, eroding the spirit of cooperation and fostering dangerous mindsets of suspicion and distrust. Nations are no longer just competitors in the marketplace. They are adversaries in a global contest for influence and dominance. For smaller states like Malaysia and our neighbours in Southeast Asia, the implications are inescapable.

The shifting dynamics of international relations, the erosion of multilateral cooperation and the growing sense of distrust are dangerously becoming the new normal. The challenge for us in Malaysia, for example, is not merely to endure but to thrive. We find ourselves compelled to navigate these disruptions with clarity of purpose.

The likelihood of a multipolar world means that centers of global influence will not just be China and the United States or Japan or the European Union. Instead, count on the emerging players like South Korea, India, the GCC countries, Turkey, Brazil, South Africa, and don't ignore the potential of ASEAN, which you know.

Consider the immense aspirations and cumulative heft of Southeast Asia.

ASEAN, a region of over 690 million people, making it the third largest population in the world with a nominal GDP of $3.8 trillion, the fifth largest economy in the world and the third largest in Asia. In the same vein, there is a resurgence of Global South,

as the globe as driver of global prosperity. By 2030, it is projected that three of the four largest economies will be from the Global South. It is also about the reclaiming of a voice that can no longer be ignored in the emerging international order. The empowerment of Global South narratives and the desire for greater participation in international system and on policies that decide on governance

of the global commons on more equitable terms should not be dismissed or diminished. Students, ladies and gentlemen, you see my priority is right. Students, ladies and gentlemen. Just as the extensive literacy campaigns in the first half of the 20th century transformed the Arab Gulf nations, the legal, economic, cultural and communal transformations that they have been spearheading these two decades

is set to breathe a new life into the societies and economies of the GCC. Malaysia and ASEAN welcome and roots for the continued prosperity of our brethren in the Middle East, Africa, Latin America.

These seminal changes, especially in Asia, are unacknowledged by some in the global community. I believe there's a degree of hubris and hypocrisy that seems unwilling to recognise, accommodate and adapt to these seismic shifts. Another source of resentment is the double standards when defining human rights, rules and norms.

When college and university students the world over stood united in protest against Israel's violent occupation and colonial project of Palestine, some governments responded with harsh reprisals. And these are not dictatorship or autocracies, but supposedly the shining examples of freedom democracy. Not ignored to LSE. It's an exception. While I welcome the news of the upcoming ceasefire in Gaza,

and commend the efforts of Egypt, Qatar and the United States in compelling all parties, compelling all parties involved, the international community must ensure that it is upheld, paving the way for talks on subsequent phases

that will lead to sustainable calm, the provision of aid and the reconstruction of Gaza. Indeed, this is the most immediate priority. Justice and accountability remain critical, as is the need for a viable, sovereign and independent Palestinian state and just society.

and lasting peace. We also need to go to the fundamental and profound imperative of transcending differences and disagreements so as to appreciate better our commonalities, shared values and traditions. Indeed, our basic humanity beseechs us to protect human life and well-being inasmuch as human rights, including the right to life

are universal and inherent to all. The best position for Malaysia amid the uncertain ebbs and flows of the strategic tides must be adaptive, resilient, principled, and above all, clear-sighted. We must know not only what we want, but what we are or who we are as a nation. This is imperative.

as we occupy a critical position in global supply chains as well as maritime trade routes. Now, firstly, Malaysia will remain dedicated to fostering shared growth, fostering regional cooperation, particularly ASEAN, and maintaining our openness to trade, development and commerce. And as Chair of ASEAN this year,

Malaysia will seek to rejuvenate key mechanisms like the ASEAN Plus Three and the East Asia Summit. Both have been celebrated for their convening

Power but remain underutilized. The East Asia Summit is the only regional forum dedicated to strategic and security issues in our region that is led by leaders where rival powers meet in a neutral setting.

Instead of getting bogged down by the disputes of major powers, we would rather work with like-minded member states and dialogue partners to seek ways on how such mechanisms can deliver on its aspirations. Secondly, Malaysia will continue its open and pragmatic approach in engaging both the United States and China, whose relations are anchored in mutual respect and shared interests.

In spite of all the talk that Malaysia is pervading towards China, the fact is that the United States continues to reign supreme, cumulatively as the largest source of foreign direct investment. In Malaysia, especially in the tech sector, China, on the other hand, has been our largest trading partner since 2009, marking 16 years of thriving trade relations. It is...

as clear as day, as clear as day, and there is no zero-sum game here. Maintaining robust ties with both the United States and China is not merely a matter of economic pragmatism, but a strategic imperative to safeguard our national interests in an increasing volatile world. This is what we mean by cultivating engagement with both

to ensure the region's diversified economic base, reduce interdependence, and a strengthened position as a resilient, open and competitive economy. Thirdly, Malaysia will ensure that its position as a centre of competitive trade, finance and tech can withstand the changes around us.

Acemungulu and Robinson's Nobel Prize-winning work on institutions and governance reminds us that poor countries are poor because those who have power make choices that create poverty. Or as Piketty would have it, capitalism causes poverty by concentrating wealth in the hands of the few.

The situation becomes perverse when it draws on us that socialism is for the rich while capitalism is for the poor. It's good that some of the students are okay, but there are many corporate players here. To the message for both. And I took my mind, while there is some truth in these platitudes,

We should be wary of scumbag to gross generalizations. See? And there's a caveat here. Look, I need the support of the capitalists here. I have on previous occasions spoken of the marauding Europeans in Asia's checkered colonial history, leaving behind a trail of looting and plundering of the wealth and resources of the colonies.

Today, marauders may still be on the prowl, though they may no longer be geographically marked out because whether from the West or from the East, those who have power may be states, may be corporations, or even individuals or non-state actors.

At the end of the day, it is up to the nations themselves, particularly developing countries, to acknowledge the broader structural challenges faced. Be that as it may, the central insight remains. Nations thrive when the state is both accountable and inclusive, fostering institutions that earn, sustain and promote public trust.

On our part, the Malaysian Government introduced the Madani Economy Framework in 2023, guided by the twin objectives of raising the ceiling through sustained economic growth and raising the floor by ensuring that this growth is shared.

From industrial policy to energy transition, inclusiveness and sustainability are at the heart of Malaysia's development agenda. These efforts are already bearing fruit. It would be premature to suggest that we are successful, but it is a good beginning with good governance, transparency, no tolerance for corruption.

Malaysia recorded robust economic performance in 2024, with strong GDP growth exceeding 5%, stable inflation below 22%, and record high trade figures. The international community has taken notice, drawn to Malaysia's mature, reliable and favourable investment climate. In the first nine months of 2024 alone, we successfully attracted investors.

over a hundred billion ringgit in approved foreign investment across manufacturing services sector from the East and West alike. But there is certainly no time to reveal infleeting victories. In a world increasingly

defined by chaos, finding order that begins with our capacity to adapt to disorder. It's just like Bangkok traffic. How do you navigate with such disorder? Not as bad, but then London traffic is the same.

To this end, Malaysia's deepening foray into the semiconductor industry is a testament to our forward-looking outlook. Recently, we launched our National Semiconductor Strategy, which earmarks game-changing incentives and investments to make Malaysia indispensable to the global semiconductor supply chain.

Ultimately, as an international trading nation, the crosswinds of uncertainty call for a renewed resolve to stay adaptive and ambitious without neglecting the paramount pursuit of sustainable development.

inclusive and just growth. Malaysia hits this call as we set our sights on securing the nation's place as a vital nexus of trade and investment as well as technological investment in an unpredictable world. Now it is of course a forward-looking and holistic paradigm precisely because of this we decided to

join BRICS. Now, it is not, as some of the Pandits would like to claim, about Malaysia's choosing a side. It is about clear-sighted recognition of the geopolitical and economic and geo-economic changes that are happening around us and expanding our options. So, ladies and gentlemen and fellow students, historical and commercial antecedents

I said, fellow students. You were smiling. Why? I remain a student. Coming here to LSE, I have to be a student. I'm not qualified to be a professor. I'm not too sure about that. But anyway, the bilateral, the strong, long-standing bilateral relations between Malaysia and UK is paramount. My meeting with Prime Minister Kim, number 10, was significant and meaningful. I did say, don't worry about the first six months.

I said to him, my sixth month as Prime Minister, after waiting for more than two and a half decades, was a baptism of fire. Demand from the Malay racist rhetoric, religious extremist parties, demanding there should be change, no tolerance for this liberal crowd and multiracial pluralistic ideas.

Where we survive, we are able to consolidate and focus with clarity of policies. So our collaboration with the UK is not a political statement. I mean, I'm talking about historical incidents. From the early days of independence and as Malaysia developed as a nation, was not without its speed bumps. However, there's no road

There is no road not taken because as Malaysia continues to chart a clear and confident course, the road that stretches out ahead for the two countries promises to be far less winding and less bumpy. I hope that we continue to build the foundation

allowing neither external forces nor the inevitable differences of views to pull us away from the larger goal drawn from our bedrock of commonalities, a peaceful, stable and prosperous global order built on the edifice of multilateral cooperation and equity. Thank you.

Thank you, Prime Minister, for what was really a wonderfully wide-ranging and wonderful speech. We'll open the floor to questions. Where are the microphones? The one on each side, I hope. I'm going to take the prerogative and ask the first question. So it was a wonderful speech. In the first half in particular, you sketch out a world in which, on the one hand, there's increasing chaos.

and loss of faith in the institutions that have enabled global cooperation, and on the other hand, a greater need for that cooperation. So I am curious, by the way, if you choose when you're done being prime minister and you do wanna come be a professor here, give me a call. I am curious, how do you see then

How do you see solving that problem? How do you see getting the global cooperation we need given all the other circumstances that are undermining it? Thank you. Through the tradition of LSE, the guest has to pour his own drink. I poured it. Now, it's a difficult question. I think it's your -- Is it on? All right. Okay. What is this for?

Now it's on. Malaysia is, of course, a small player. That's why we've taken a position first to recognize we cannot be in a state of denial. There are tensions, turbulence. We engage. We have excellent relations with ASEAN, the most peaceful in the region, the fastest growing economy. Now, together is 700 million people, a stronger economy. We engage, traditionally very much so with the West,

with the United States, but now with close proximity to China and the economic dogma of that turned to be, we continue to engage with them very strongly. At the same time, maintain is a very tough position to navigate between these two countries, but we are adamant to ensure that there is centrality in terms of policies. We are a democracy.

And democracy demands democratic accountability in policies that we introduce. But the fundamentals is economic. Larry, it is problematic, yes. There's no certainty. But my belief is that we continue to engage. And we engage aggressively, not just as a country, but as a region. And the strength of ASEAN is that

Although there's minor differences, we are compact as a group. And that, therefore, I think we would be able... I'm more optimistic. I think we are able to navigate effectively. Thus far, we have been rather successful. People tend to be a bit more concerned or cautious about what is post-Trump.

or when trump assumes a presidency but i think uh okay sarah what will be will be but what is important is to continue to engage and to focus on economic fundamentals and i don't think we have a choice but i am rather optimistic because finally countries decide yes

based on their own particular national interest, but at the same time, their own survival. And now, with the globalized economy, trading, interdependence, I think finally sanity must prevail. So over here, although I don't know where the... We'll do our best to get the microphone to you. Do you see over there, the woman in the third row? Yeah, you do.

Assalamualaikum. It's an honour to see you, Prime Minister. I'm Rowena Abdurrazaq. I'm with Mercy Humanitarian UK. We're a charity based here that provides mental health support for Malaysian students. But my question is actually about the uncertainties that face the Islamic world.

There's a lot of rivalries, especially between the Sunni and Shiite countries exemplified by the Saudi-Iranian rivalry. And I was wondering how Malaysia can navigate these uncertainties and rivalries within the global ummah. Thank you. Uncertainty is not only with Islamic world, uncertainty is in Europe, Ukraine and Russia, uncertainty is with the prospects of Trump policies. And importantly, we continue to engage.

Malaysia is fortunate in that sense that we are engaging with all parties. And every time they are representatives from the administration, the U.S. administration, asking us why Russia, why Iran. I say, look, we engage. In fact, as you know, I made this very, very controversial decision when I met the then leader of Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh.

The Western world became like, Bazaar, why? I said, I engage. You engage with everybody, why can't I engage? There are points I agree, points I disagree. But the bottom line is to promote peace and strongly urge them to secure peace and to give them that support. That was after his grandchildren and son were killed in the Israeli attack. But the

You see, it's very important for our colleagues in the West also to understand. You have strong views against Russia. You have strong views against Hamas. Others have strong views against many other things, including the colonization and aggression of Israel.

But what is to me critical is the need to secure and attain peace. And therefore, my role in terms of my engagement with Ismail Hani Adhan is to urge him to say, like, I represent Malaysia and many voices in the Muslim world. We are very supportive of you, but at the same time, you must seek your peace.

And the cessation of hostilities is critical for the survival of your children and the future of Palestinians. What is wrong with that?

So to my mind, I mean, thank you. I mean, we will continue to do this. And at the same time, listen to the voices. Even when I met Prime Minister Keir, he knows my position. And we are talking about the need for a two-state solution and very supportive of the need to attain peace.

And then with Ishiba, Prime Minister of Japan, he proposed that Malaysia, together with Japan, co-chair immediately the reconstruction fund for the reconstruction of Gaza. And it is interesting. It's Japan and Malaysia. And I said, of course we'll do that. Because that is the only guarantee that peace will be attained. Because that issue, unless it is resolved,

is so divisive and enrages so many people. So I think if that part is at least to a certain extent resolved, we can now refocus, focus on economic development and dealing with the issue of climate change, of poverty, of inequality, and the new technology of AI, because without having this sort of focus, we can't succeed. Thank you. Thank you.

We'll take a question there and then we'll go over there. Picking up on the Middle East, and I'm delighted that you're so interested in this because, you know, it's an intractable problem. My name is David Abraham from former Vice President of RISI, Royal United Services Institute. My question is to you is can you see a time when Malaysia will be joining in the Abrahamic Accords?

We get our priorities right and we continue to engage. If you want to discuss with us on the American Accord, yes. But there are certain issues that need to be resolved. Number one, peace. Number two, stop colonization. Stop this continued aggression. Then we talk about what comes next. You can't talk about, for example, this is our solution and you continue. You see...

We were taught here LSE is a bastion for democracy, social justice. I mean, you have been fighting against colonization. I remember Munir's PhD thesis, From the Malay Union to Independence. You don't know that I've read that. Yeah. I mean, all this has been the bastion against colonization and colonialism. How is it you can condone in these days and age? And then talk about ultimate solution. So my point is,

Whilst I think it should be open for engagement, but you end the colonization, end this perpetration of violence. Yes, you can insist both sides, but then the gross atrocities in Gaza, I mean, you see that every day. That's why in my remarks, this is strong. Where's our humanity? Why this talk about human rights and democracy?

With all this sophisticated learning and education about humanitarian values and democracy, why do we condone this? That's my point. I think resolve that first, because that's causing so much anger to many people, seeing children and women and houses being destroyed. I grew up post-Second World War, and I thought,

That's the end. No one should ever tolerate. Then Rwanda, that's the end. No more after this. Then Bosnia, that's the end. With all the power technological that we have, what is wrong? So I think that is a deficit in terms of humanity, in terms of the sense of justice. And I think I would start at that. Although

People ask me, therefore do you condone violence from the part of Hamas? No, I don't. I make it known. And they know my position. I don't think the solution is violence. But we have to deal with it.

When your house, your property, is being plundered on a daily basis and you preach them about no violence. It's going to be very difficult. I come from a region and countries that have been colonized. You don't preach to the nationalist leaders about non-violence. Very difficult. Gandhi was an exception. Thank you.

Thank you, Yang Ahmad Brahma, Dato' Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister of Malaysia, for your inspiring lecture on Malaysia's global strategy in an uncertain era. My name is Dr Irene Ching, a partner of ECHO-A Global Investment Group.

We help countries achieve net zero faster using cutting-edge technologies. One of the many projects that we are doing, the most exciting one is a system that clears all the rubbish and converts landfills to materials and by-products that can be traded to boost the economy.

What would be your suggestion for me to be able to bring this technology to Malaysia, to other ASEAN countries to improve sustainability and global climate change? Thank you. Meet the Minister here, Maida is here.

You should, not seriously, you should engage with them immediately. We give priority to this. But does rubbish include some rotten politicians? Let's take a question from online, Danny.

It's an online question. Oh, yeah, good. Mr. Prime Minister, this is an anonymous question. It says, you've spoken movingly about humanitarian values, yet Malaysia is one of the few countries that has not ratified the international covenant on civil and political rights, nor does it have any legal recognition of refugees. How can you explain this?

We have in Malaysia a total of about 2.5 million refugees. We've given adequate protection. We have 200,000 from Myanmar. Whether we recognise or not, we give maximum support where we can have. Now, the issue of covenant has its ramifications because of the concerns of not only Muslims, but Hindus, Buddhists, Christians on the issue of...

same-sex marriage or LGBT, which may be fine in some countries in the West, but we have difficulty to accept because that's generally rejected because sanctity of marriage to us, at its vast majority Malaysians, are between men and women. But I take your point, whether they are refugees or they are illegal workers,

Human treatment must be accorded. That I would concede. But whether we would accede to the covenant, we may have a problem because the number of refugees and illegal workers in Malaysia have exceeded 3, 3.5 million for a country with a population of 34 million. It's just too problematic for us, economically, socially. But what I can concede, I reiterate,

There must be humane treatment regardless. Thank you.

Hello, Nina Adlan Disney, LSC Malaysia alumni and also MD of an educational social enterprise called Lipet from KL. But I won't ask you about an education question because it's all in the paper that we've submitted. What I would like to ask, I know you're a fan of Shakespeare and you've spoken a lot about this uncertain era. So I think Shakespeare to many represents a kind of a universal and eternal truths.

So the question is, and my husband's a literature teacher back home. So the question is, if Dato' Sri Najib and his wife are Macbeth and Lady Macbeth, if Ton Mahathir is King Lear, what Shakespeare character, which Shakespeare character would you be? And why? Not counting Romeo. Yeah, no, no. And Macbeth. You've ignored Macbeth and Lady Macbeth. I think we'll end at that.

Because I don't want to be personal. I'm joking because there are no ministers here, you know. But they are in the team, so it's fine. We've got a lot of hands up there and very few down here, but that's totally fine. Let's go to the gentleman with his, who seems very anxious.

Thank you very much. I'm Robert Yates. I'm a visiting professor in practice here at the LSE. Honourable Prime Minister, I've seen from recent speeches that you're very concerned about rampant insurance premium hikes in the health sector and the private sector escalation of costs. I was just wondering, are you considering implementing universal health reforms maybe in the run-up to the next election? Not only would this be a sort of a great investment in future generations,

But as countries like the UK and Japan and Thailand have shown, that this is an investment in future generations that doesn't lose elections, it actually wins elections. So is this something you might consider in the run-up to the next elections? The Ministry of Health has been entrusted with this task of making major recommendations about public health reform.

which means strengthening the national insurance of a sort. But the issue with the private sector was to curtail this excessive sort of rates, and particularly in the name of health facilities, that was the controversial issue recently. And I think we are tough on that. We say, look, of course, they are private sector, they can attain profit, but there's a limit.

unless you have this super class of sort of a specialty center of the Mayo type. But otherwise, the general private institutions must at least have some ground rules to follow and to be accountable to the charges made and also the treatment and follow-up for the patients.

Back on Shakespeare, I've mentioned Luca. He remains to my mind not only the pillar of the Western canon, as Harold Bloom has said in his Western canon, but I think he's a genius and a great humanitarian. And it's a lot that we need to learn.

I presented a paper to the World Shakespeare Conference, I remember, on Shakespeare from the prism of prison walls. It's interesting when you reread Shakespeare. I mean, of course, I reread Shakespeare all my years in prison, four and a half years, with copious notes, four and a half times with copious notes. And...

It is enriching, it's enlightening, it's a very humane approach to understand society and mankind, and womankind, of course. So I would strongly encourage students to, from time to time, reread Shakespeare. Questions from here.

Thank you so much, Dato Sri, for honoring us with your presence. My name is Imran. I'm a philosophy student here. I'm doing my Master's in Philosophy and Public Policy here at LSE. My question is, Dato, forgive me if this question is a bit personal, but as a student, I'm very passionate about his nation. I'm quite intrigued.

From your days as a student activist and now you as a prime minister, I was wondering what changed, whether in your beliefs, philosophical basis, motivations, and what stayed the same? Thank you, Dato'. Yes, interesting question. The one change, yes, you grow older, you mature, you seem to be more tolerant on issues of the flaws and weaknesses of people.

But there are some fundamental views that have not changed. I believe in freedom. I believe in good governance. I understand through philosophy and history that countries can emerge great, to become great, or be destroyed. From the Haldunian theory to Toynbee, the cycle is true.

which means good governance must be central so those things have not changed and then um there's one part that is why I think in our world madani concept we don't compromise how could people take about case of the past cases is different but in the two years in governance my colleagues are here no compromise on on issues of of corruption of leaders squandering wealth

It doesn't matter whether it's a coalition or not. This was grounded in that understanding. And I think Malaysia has that potential in the past, but destroyed because of poor governance, because of greed and endemic corruption. And don't deny it. One cannot deny that. It's known internationally. So I think on these issues, you have that. And so...

We have to move on. Have we anything changed? Not on the issue of governance, not on the issue of corruption, not on the issue of respecting individual rights. You know, Malaysia is a multi-racial, multicultural country. Malays, Bumi Putra, Muslims are in the majority. We have constitutional guarantees.

But this tension of going on the race-based policies or insulting and abusive and creating hatred and suspicion and prodigies about race, to me, is sickening. Yes, we are encountering that. We have big battles with the opposition on many issues. If they can criticize me like an alumni's report on education, I don't feel in any way insulted.

In fact, I immediately wrote a note to the Minister of Education, "Please give your personal attention and give me a report later in two weeks." That was my note to her.

But when you talk about Anwar is pro-Chinese and why he needs to go to a Chinese restaurant and eat, it's a bloody sickening thing to do it to happen. And I think I need you, particularly the young, to understand this. Of course we have our own rules. We pray. I don't take pork. I don't drink. Of course I drink water.

But there is a tolerance. Your views. I have to respect what you believe in. Why is it so difficult? Because the penchant for populism and racism and religious bigotry. Malaysia is facing that problem.

So the vast majority, particularly the young, must have that courage. Courage of conviction. Tenacity of purpose. To say enough of corruption, yes, but enough racism and enough religious bigotry. What do they have to say? Everything is, you know, there's nothing but policies. There's no major criticism of policies, Michael is well known, in the two years of governance.

But there's lots of criticism. We're selling the country to the Chinese. The Chinese have taken over. Penang is going to be Christianized tomorrow. And blatant lies. Now,

Are you a democrat? Yes. Do you allow them to say what they want? Yes. But do you then allow for such irresponsible act that could disrupt and cause mischief and even break societies apart? So I draw the line. Yes, I'll be tough. You can criticize me for all my policies.

You may disagree with these policies, but you cannot use the race and religious card. And you cannot denigrate any person. So when I say, for example, in public speeches, I don't want to be a Malaysian leader. The Malay child is my child, the Chinese child is my child, the Indian, the Zaya or the Karazhan. You know what they do? They say, how can Anwar, a Malay Muslim, consider a Chinese child his? What a level of stupidity.

And some of them are, I hope, no LSE graduates. We share that hope. And I do want to thank you so much for taking the time to spend with us and for the speech and the questions. And I think I speak for everybody in saying it was really a wonderful, enlightening event. It's really a privilege for us.

Unfortunately, the Prime Minister has a very busy schedule, so we have to bring things to a close. What I would ask the audience to do is just to stay seated for a moment while he leaves for security purposes. And again, thank you again very much. Before, just to take this opportunity on behalf of my colleagues to thank you, Prof. Larry, for the opportunity given and for you students and students

professors who are kind enough to be here, to be so supportive. And mind you, I must say this. All these years, when I was in the doldrums, LSE did give me the place. Anytime I choose to come and address students or teachers, I was welcome. So much thank you very much. Thank you so much.