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Trump Tariff Talk Rattles Markets

2025/1/21
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Bloomberg Daybreak: Asia Edition

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Mary Nicola: 我记得今天早上醒来时,市场反应很好,因为特朗普总统第一天没有签署任何与关税相关的文件,而是专注于国内问题。市场因此感到兴奋,美元下跌,人们如释重负。我们原本以为这将是风险偏好的一天,但随后出现了有关对墨西哥和加拿大征收关税的新闻,以及对中国征收关税的可能性。很明显,我们不知道美元的走向,它可能随时改变。但有一点很明确,那就是在未来四年,我们应该预期市场波动,新闻标题风险将占据主导地位。毫无疑问。 加拿大元兑美元汇率下跌约1%。有趣的是,如果观察国债市场,收益率曲线上的收益率实际上都在下降,尽管美国是市场假日,但全球期货市场还是有一些交易。如果观察当时的情况,这似乎有点奇怪,因为大多数人认为,新上任的特朗普政府的许多经济政策,特别是与关税相关的政策,都被视为通货膨胀性的。这将意味着更高的收益率。 汇市总体上将承受这种波动的冲击。在收益率方面,仍然缺乏清晰度,因为有很多因素在起作用,例如美联储的政策、财政政策以及关税。我们不知道税收削减方面的趋势将会是什么。关税的推迟实施表明,短期内不会出现通货膨胀激增。因此,这在一定程度上缓解了市场对通货膨胀轨迹良好的担忧,认为通货膨胀将保持在较低水平,并且如果关税推迟,这种情况可能会持续下去。即使他对加拿大和墨西哥征收的关税也要到2月1日才生效。许多市场参与者认为,我们会在第一天就看到相关措施,而推迟实施只是在一定程度上缓解了市场的担忧。当然,在这种环境下,我们不能掉以轻心。 日本央行周五将召开会议。特朗普总统目前正在进行的对话意味着什么?这对日本央行的想法有何影响?我认为大多数人都认为,好吧,他们可以加息25个基点。他们可以收紧政策,我认为这是目前的普遍观点。但前提是,除非特朗普政府有什么意外情况。我认为我们今晚可能遇到了一些意外情况。 人们几乎认为日本央行将在周五加息,除非特朗普政府出现意外情况。但现在特朗普已经宣布对墨西哥和日本征收关税,这仍然……缓解了冲击,因为我认为亚洲真正关心的问题是中国会发生什么以及对该地区更广泛的影响。如果我们回想一下2018年和2019年上次贸易战期间发生的事情,该地区遭受了相当大的损失。尤其因为该地区许多国家不仅严重依赖中国进行贸易,而且它们的货币也与人民币密切相关。因此,这两种因素结合在一起,不仅体现在经济依赖上,也体现在市场角度上。所以这又回到了日本央行会怎么做的问题上。我认为他们仍然会加息,尤其是在中国还没有出现的情况下。现在,这可能是他们唯一的机会,要么加息25个基点,要么冒着什么都不做的风险,因为特朗普政府还有其他措施要出台。 Daniel Dresner:鉴于特朗普设定了2月1日对加拿大和墨西哥征收关税的最后期限,这显然将成为人们关注的焦点。但在他今天的讲话中,他还谈到了全面征收关税以及对中国进一步征收关税的想法。 我们必须拭目以待,看看特朗普政府是否真的会实施这些关税,还是只是在虚张声势,因为他显然希望能够成功地迫使其他国家做出让步,从而不必真正实施这些关税。我确信他的顾问可能会告诉他,这些关税对美国来说将非常昂贵,并且在试图控制美国物价方面也会造成问题,而这正是他去年11月当选的原因之一。 特朗普一直以来的策略,也是他在政治上真正独特的天赋,就是他愿意忽视,甚至违反前任总统可能遵守的外交规范。对盟友实施制裁在美国相对罕见,但特朗普却渴望这样做,因为他相信美国比加拿大和墨西哥等更依赖美国的国家拥有不对称优势。我相信特朗普还认为,如果他能成功地胁迫加拿大和墨西哥,这将向中国的国家发出信号,表明他将是一位极其坚决的谈判者。 特朗普实际上可能会从加拿大和墨西哥获得一些让步。值得记住的是,在他第一任期内,特朗普曾试图对韩国、墨西哥和加拿大这样做,以重新谈判贸易协议。他获得了一些象征性的让步,但坦率地说,并没有多少。 然而,特朗普的错误在于,他总是认为,如果他能成功地胁迫盟友,那就能转化为对中国等国家的成功谈判压力。国际关系方面没有证据表明这是真的,而且在特朗普第一任期内也没有证据表明这是真的。不幸的是,看来我们将在他的第二任期看到这种讨价还价动态的重演。 这取决于谁在领导美国外交政策,是特朗普的顾问还是特朗普本人?除了埃隆·马斯克之外,特朗普的大多数顾问都有一个共同点,那就是他们对中国都极其强硬。他们认为中国是对美国最大的威胁,是唯一一个可能成为美国同等竞争对手的国家。根据所有这些逻辑,你应该会看到对中国的压力加大。 也就是说,同样值得记住的是,在特朗普第一任期内,只要他能够与中国达成某种经济协议,他愿意牺牲几乎所有其他支柱性的美国外交政策,无论是抗议新疆侵犯人权的行为,还是对香港的镇压,还是中国在南海或东海的强硬行为。最终,这导致了2020年的第一阶段贸易协议,该协议被证明是相当令人失望的。 如果特朗普认为他可以与习近平达成任何重大协议,他就会采取这种方式。另一方面,如果中国没有这样做,那么他别无选择,只能听取他的顾问的意见,你可能会看到紧张局势升级。我认为我可以预测的是,你会看到最初的展示或试图展示强硬的谈判。然后问题是,如果中国做出任何让步,特朗普会接受他收到的第一个提议还是会坚持下去?如果我必须打赌,坦率地说,我认为他会接受他收到的第一个提议。 特朗普的经济理念实际上是一种零和博弈的思维方式,即如果美国与某个国家存在贸易逆差,这意味着美国正在输,而另一个国家正在赢。正如他曾在20世纪80年代担心日本的崛起一样,在过去十年左右的时间里,他也一直担心中国的崛起。 但话虽如此,这与特朗普的其他冲动相违背,那就是他非常喜欢专制者。他知道,他钦佩那些能够以相对不受约束的方式行使权力的专制者。因此,我认为他也相信他可以与习近平坐下来谈判某种协议。问题是,该协议是否会为美国带来任何实际价值。 我认为,最终你必须始终记住,尽管特朗普会听取他各种顾问的意见,但他已经担任了四年总统。他现在比2017年更有信心能够完成这项工作。所以我强烈怀疑,他最终会听从自己的建议,而不是他顾问的建议。然而,挑战还在于——世界各国领导人,无论是独裁者还是民主国家的领导人,他们都熟悉特朗普的运作方式。你认为我们会看到特朗普1.0,还是认为这个版本与众不同,实际上成为一种破坏稳定的力量,再次有效地发挥作用,回到“疯子理论”? 正如你所说,问题在于,“疯子理论”只在其他领导人真正相信特朗普会兑现他的威胁时才有效。现在,在某种程度上,特朗普会制裁他的盟友的想法是完全可信的。因此,特朗普的胁迫努力可能会对盟友产生一些适度的成功。问题是他真正想要从中国等国家获得重大让步。 正如你所说,他们以前见过这种策略。我们已经看到,在某种程度上,美国出口管制和中国出口管制之间的针锋相对正在升级,这是一种参与我所认为的《纽约时报》称之为“供应链战争”的方式。所以我认为他们已经看透了特朗普。这就是事情变得危险的地方,因为正如你所说,如果其他人不相信你会像你声称的那样疯狂行事,那么你就有两种选择,而且这两种选择都不好。一种是你退缩,在这种情况下,你会失去所有信誉。另一种是你必须真正兑现这些疯狂的威胁,这可能会导致紧张局势的危险升级。我的担忧是,这将是特朗普三个月或六个月后可能面临的选择,这是一个令人不快地选择。 他第一天就说过他会这么做。你知道,在美国,现在快到午夜了。所以我怀疑不会。我认为解决乌克兰战争的问题在于,虽然我毫不怀疑特朗普政府可以向乌克兰施压,迫使其做出让步。问题是他们能否让普京和俄罗斯做出类似的让步。俄罗斯绝对没有表现出做出任何妥协的意愿。我认为他们最多只能希望达成某种冷战状态。但到目前为止,俄罗斯并没有表现出对此有什么兴趣。值得记住的是,俄罗斯国家杜马吞并了俄罗斯军队驻扎的四个省份。因此,根据俄罗斯的说法,他们已经合法地吞并了这些领土。任何停火协议都必须承认乌克兰控制着一些俄罗斯的主权领土,至少根据俄罗斯自己的法律是这样。我怀疑他们不会愿意这样做。

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Welcome to the Daybreak Asia podcast. I'm Doug Krisner. On Monday in the U.S., Donald Trump was sworn in as the 47th president of the United States. And after his inauguration, headlines from the White House created volatility in markets. President Trump is planning to impose tariffs on America's neighbors. We're thinking in terms of 25 percent on Mexico and Canada because they're allowing vast numbers of people, Canada's

Very bad abuser also. Vast numbers of people to come in and fentanyl to come in. President Trump speaking earlier from the Oval Office. And in a moment, we'll hear more on the tariff story from Professor Daniel Dresner of Tufts University. But first, market reaction to today's news. I'm joined now by Bloomberg MLive strategist Mary Nicola, who joins us from Singapore. It's always a

Pleasure to have the chance to benefit from your insight, particularly given the fact that I know your eyes are glued to your Bloomberg terminal and you're seeing the ructions in markets, more so in the foreign exchange. There's been a dramatic reversal here in the dollar, hasn't there?

Absolutely. And we came in, I remember waking up this morning and the markets were really happy because, you know, we saw that there was more measured approach to tariffs. So President Trump didn't sign anything or focus on tariffs on day one. A lot of the focus was just on domestic issues. So markets were really excited and we saw the dollar declines and there was a

huge sigh of relief. And we were coming in thinking that it will be a risk positive day. And then we get headlines about imposing tariffs on Mexico and Canada, and that, you know, there's potential for tariffs on China.

So one thing is clear is that, sure, we don't know which the direction of the dollar and it can change at a moment's notice. But one thing we know that it's very clear is that we should expect volatility, especially in the next four years. And headline risk is going to dominate. No doubt about that. I'm seeing the Canadian dollar right now weaken against the greenback by about 1%. One of the interesting things, though, if you look at the Treasury market, where yields are actually lower across the curve and

I know it was a market holiday in the U.S. We observed MLK Day, so no trading in cash markets. There was some global trading in futures. And if you look at what was going on, it seemed to be a little curious because most people are of the view that a lot of the economic policies from the incoming Trump administration, particularly as they relate to tariffs, are viewed as inflationary. That would argue for higher yields. So to your point...

Early in the day, no mention of tariffs, sigh of relief, yields come in. But they're remaining at lower levels right now. Unlike what's happening with the dollar, where you're getting the knee jerk in the opposite direction. Do you have a sense of why that's happening?

I think the currency markets just in general is going to bear the brunt of this volatility. There is still a lack of clarity in terms of, you know, especially there's so many components that are really coming in in terms of yields. So, for example, we still have, you know, Fed policy is one aspect of it. And then, of course, you have fiscal policy. So you don't know what exactly the trend is going to be in terms of tax cuts.

And then, of course, the tariffs. The delay in tariffs would suggest that you wouldn't get a spike up in inflation anytime soon. So it placates the markets in terms of thinking that inflation's on a good trajectory, lower, and that can continue and that extends, especially if tariffs are delayed. So even the tariffs that he's imposing on Canada and Mexico won't be until the 1st of February.

Remember, a lot of market participants had thought that we would get stuff on day one and the delay just placates the markets just a little bit. But of course, you can't get too complacent in this environment. Here's where it gets interesting. We've got a BOJ meeting on Friday. What does the conversation that President Trump is having right now mean?

How does that impact the BOJ's thinking? I think that most people were saying, hey, OK, they can go maybe 25 basis points. They can tighten, which is, I think, the conventional wisdom here now. But the caveat is unless there's something maybe like a curveball that may come from President Trump. And I'm wondering if we got a little bit of a curveball tonight.

Yeah, that was the thing. It was almost seen as a done deal from the BOJ that they would hike on Friday, barring any surprises from the Trump administration. But now that Trump has said tariffs on Mexico and Japan, it's still...

softens the blow because I think the real concern for Asia is what happens with China and the broader implications on the region. If we recall what happened during the last trade war in 2018 and 2019, this region suffered quite tremendously. And especially because a lot of this region, not only are they heavily reliant on China for trade,

But also, they are looking for, the currencies are very much tied to the CNY. So there's a combination of the two in terms of not only are they dependent on them economically, but also from a market standpoint. So that brings us back to what does the BOJ do? And I think they're still on course for a rate hike, especially with China not in the picture yet.

And that might be their only window as of now is to take it to hike by 25 basis points or else risk not doing anything at all because of what is yet to come from the Trump administration. Mary, it's always a pleasure. Thank you so much for starting your day with us. Mary Nicola, Bloomberg MLive strategist, joining us here on the Daybreak Asia podcast.

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Welcome back to the Daybreak Asia podcast. I'm Doug Krisner. Now let's take a closer look at the U.S. tariff story. So we know now that goods from Canada and Mexico could potentially be the subject of tariffs, although President Trump really did not address a plan for potential tariffs targeting Chinese goods. Instead, he said that the U.S. tariff

He ordered his administration to address unfair trade practices globally and to investigate whether Beijing has complied with a deal signed during the first Trump term. For more, we heard from Professor Daniel Dresner of Tufts University. He spoke with Bloomberg's Annabelle Droolers and David Inglis. Professor, thank you so much for joining us on the show. And quite an eventful day. Lots to unpack is, I think, an understatement today.

We were thinking originally we'd be talking a lot about China, but now it's Canada and Mexico. Do you think that gives us a good sense of where you think the conversation will be front-loaded these next few weeks at least?

Well, given that Trump gave a deadline, I believe, of February 1st for the tariffs on Canada and Mexico, that obviously is going to be front of mind. But in comments today, he also talked about the idea of imposing tariffs across the board as well as more tariffs on China.

Um, with Trump, you always have to wait and see if there's actually anything implemented as opposed to what he is threatening to do, because with Trump, he's obviously trying to hope that he can successfully coerce other countries into making concessions and thereby doesn't actually have to impose any of the tariffs, which I'm sure his advisors might actually tell him are going to be expensive to the United States and are going to be, uh,

problematic in terms of trying to keep prices down in the United States, which is one of the things that presumably got him elected last November. So that strategy of coercion, talk to us about how the madman theory plays into that. Sure. The logic Trump always has and his one sort of truly unique gift in politics is that he is willing to ignore and indeed transgress

foreign policy norms that previous presidents might have adhered to. So the idea of sanctioning allies, which is relatively rare for the United States, Trump is eager to do because he believes that the United States has an asymmetric advantage over more dependent countries like Canada and Mexico. And I believe Trump also thinks that if he can successfully coerce the likes of Canada and Mexico, that that will send a message to the Chinas of the world that he will be an extremely resolute bargainer.

Now, Trump might actually succeed in getting a few concessions from Canada and Mexico. It's always worth remembering that during his first term, Trump tried to do this with South Korea, for example, and with Mexico and Canada in terms of renegotiating trade deals. He got a few token concessions, but frankly, not much.

Trump's category error, though, is always his belief that if he can successfully coerce allies, that'll translate into successful bargaining pressure against the likes of China. There's no evidence that's true in terms of international relations, and there was no evidence that that was true during Trump's first term. And unfortunately, it seems we're going to see a replay of that bargaining dynamic in his second term. Your outlook, just to pivot to China, what are your expectations between relations there?

This sort of depends upon who is running U.S. foreign policy. Is it Donald Trump's advisers or is it Donald Trump? The one thing that most of Trump's advisers, with the exception of Elon Musk, have in common is that they are all extremely hawkish towards China. They believe that China is the most paramount threat to the United States. It's the only country that's a potential peer competitor for the United States.

And by all of that logic, you would expect to see a heightened pressure put on China.

Um, that said, again, it's worth remembering that during Trump's first term, he was willing to sacrifice just about every other pillar of American foreign policy, whether it was protesting human rights abuses in Xinjiang or the crackdown in Hong Kong or China's, uh, throwing its weight around in the South China Sea or, uh, in the East China Sea, so long as

he could negotiate some sort of economic deal with China. And this is in the end what led to the phase one trade deal in 2020, which proved to be decidedly underwhelming.

If Trump believes that he can cut any kind of grand bargain with Xi Jinping, that is the route he will take. If, on the other hand, China doesn't act this way, then he's going to have no choice but to listen to his advisors, and you're likely to see a ratcheting up of tensions. I think the thing that I would predict would be you'll see an initial display or an attempt to demonstrate tough bargaining. And then the question is, is that if China offers any kind of concession,

Will Trump take the first offer that he gets or will he hold out? If I had to bet, frankly, I think he'll take the first offer he gets. Right. And, you know, the we

We don't have the benefit of hindsight because the pandemic happened and what would have been the result of the first trade war and if China did push through with the buying, we would never know. I guess my follow-up here is we've heard recently since Donald Trump got elected again, he's not as tied down to ideology as former other presidents are concerned. So I guess my question there is, do you think he is as concerned about China's economic rise as a threat to the U.S.,

as most of the people around him. I think he is concerned about China's economic rise in the sense that Donald Trump

He has an ideology. It's just an ideology that is not one that previous presidents have had. His ideology is actually, in terms of economics, very zero sum in terms of thinking, which is if the United States is running a trade deficit with a country, that means the United States is losing and that other country is winning. And just as he was fearful of Japan's rise in the 1980s, he has been concerned about China's rise for the last decade or so.

But that said, this goes against Trump's other impulses, which is that he is very much attracted to authoritarians. He, you know, admires authoritarians who can actually exercise power in a relatively unconstrained manner. And so I think he also believes that he can sit down with Xi Jinping and negotiate some kind of deal. The question is whether the deal provides anything of actual value to the United States or not. And this is where

I think in the end, you always have to remember that as much as Trump listens to his various advisers, he was president for four years. He is far more confident now that he can do the job in a way that he was not in 2017. So I strongly suspect that he will in the end follow his own counsel and not necessarily listen to that of his advisers. The challenge, though, as well, is that—

world leaders, autocrats or not, from democratic countries as well, they're familiar with how Trump operates. Do you think we get Trump 1.0 or do you think that this version is so radically different that it actually does actually become sort of destabilising force that actually acts effectively, again going back to the madman theory?

Right. The problem, as you say, is that the madman theory only works. You know, historically, it doesn't have a great track record, but to the extent that it does work, the only way it does work is if other leaders really believe that Trump is going to follow through on his threats. Now, there's a degree to which

The idea that Trump will sanction his allies, that's entirely believable. And so it is likely that Trump's efforts at coercion might yield some modest successes with allies. The problem is that the countries that he really wants the big concessions from are the Chinas of the world.

And as you say, they've seen this playbook before. And we've already seen a sort of escalating tit for tat in terms of U.S. export controls and now Chinese export controls as a way to sort of engage in what I think the New York Times referred to as supply chain warfare. So I think they've taken Donald Trump's measure. And this is where things get dangerous, because as you say,

If other people don't believe that you're going to act as crazy as you're claiming, you then have one of two choices, and they're both unpalatable. One is that you back down, in which case you lose all credibility. The other is you actually have to follow through on some of these crazy threats, which can lead to a dangerous escalation of tensions. And my concern is that that's the choice, that's the unappetizing choice that Donald Trump might face three or six months from now.

Daniel, final question for you. Do you think he'll be able to end the war in Ukraine? And what does it mean for his relations with Europe? Well, what he said he was going to do this on day one. And, you know, it's close to midnight in the state. So I suspect not. I think the problem with with ending the war in Ukraine is that while I have no doubt that the Trump administration could pressure Ukraine into making concessions.

The question is whether they could get Vladimir Putin and Russia to make similar concessions. And there, Russia's demonstrated absolutely zero inclination to make any kind of compromise. I think the best they could hope for would be some sort of frozen conflict. But Russia's not really displayed much of an interest until now in doing that. And it's worth remembering that

you know, the Russian Duma annexed the four provinces that Russia has troops in. And so by Russia's framing, they've legally annexed these territories. Any kind of ceasefire would have to recognize that Ukraine controls some of, you know, Russian sovereign territory, at least by Russia's own laws. And I suspect they're going to be unwilling to do that.

That was Daniel Dresner there, Distinguished Professor of International Politics at Tufts University. Thanks so much for joining us.

Thanks for listening to today's episode of the Bloomberg Daybreak Asia Edition podcast. Each weekday, we look at the stories shaping markets, finance, and geopolitics in the Asia Pacific. You can find us on Apple, Spotify, the Bloomberg Podcast YouTube channel, or anywhere else you listen. Join us again tomorrow for insight on the market moves from Hong Kong to Singapore and Australia. I'm Doug Krisner, and this is Bloomberg.

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