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Huawei’s Latin America Crisis

2025/4/3
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China Unscripted

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Sascha Hannig Nuñez
主持人
专注于电动车和能源领域的播客主持人和内容创作者。
Topics
主持人: 我关注到华为这家公司在拉丁美洲的活跃程度,以及它和中国人民解放军之间的联系。最近比利时警方突击搜查了华为办公室,显示华为在欧盟进行大量游说活动。据我了解,华为在拉丁美洲的影响力也很大。 Sascha Hannig Nuñez: 是的,华为确实在拉丁美洲活动频繁。近两三年来,华为改变了策略,开始更加关注本地化运营。他们通过提供奖学金、付费的考察旅行、技术培训和硬件设备来加强与当地社区的联系。这种本地化策略是华为近年来显著的变化。 在游说方面,比利时事件中,华为被指控向欧盟议员支付费用,让他们宣读信件,代表公司利益。我认为在拉丁美洲,华为的游说活动更加直接和公开。 华为在不同拉丁美洲国家的策略有所不同,这取决于当地制度的强弱以及该国的地区影响力。例如,华为在智利的策略与在委内瑞拉的策略就大相径庭。在智利,华为会向政府推销大型项目,例如跨太平洋光纤电缆项目。他们会主动提供可行性研究、路线规划和成本分析等服务,以此来吸引政府合作。表面上看,这似乎对国家发展有利,因为更好的网络连接意味着更好的经济发展机会。然而,问题在于,华为试图限制竞争,只与其他中国公司竞争,这引起了智利政府的怀疑。最终,这个项目被谷歌接手。 在其他国家,华为也采取类似策略,通过提供大型合同和机会与当地政府合作,但通常会排除其他公司竞争。然而,许多拉丁美洲国家开始采用传统的公开招标方式进行5G和光纤项目,这给华为的进入带来了困难。 华为在拉丁美洲的市场份额大约在25%到30%之间,落后于诺基亚和爱立信。许多拉丁美洲国家成功地限制了华为的市场份额。在委内瑞拉,中国公司对该国的基础设施建设有很大的影响力,例如委内瑞拉的身份证是由中兴通讯制造的。在厄瓜多尔,中国的公司参与了整个安全监控系统的建设。华为作为一家知名的大公司,各国政府对其都比较谨慎。 华为的策略发生了变化,他们更加关注本地化运营,并利用其手机等产品在拉丁美洲市场竞争。由于华为手机价格低廉且质量尚可,许多人开始选择华为手机。这使得华为在拉丁美洲市场取得了进展,而且没有受到任何形式的审查。 哥斯达黎加曾尝试通过设置条件来限制中国公司参与5G招标,要求参与的公司必须来自签署《布达佩斯网络犯罪公约》的国家,但这遭到了反弹。 一些拉丁美洲的国际运营商(如西班牙的Movistar)效仿欧洲的做法,限制了华为的参与。欧洲对华为的限制措施影响到了拉丁美洲市场,一些国际运营商在拉丁美洲也采取了类似的策略。这使得欧洲对华为的限制措施间接导致华为在拉丁美洲市场受挫。 Sascha Hannig Nuñez: 我认为华为在拉丁美洲的策略是多方面的,并且随着时间的推移而不断演变。最初,他们专注于与政府合作,提供大型基础设施项目,例如光纤网络建设。这种策略虽然在短期内可能有效,但由于其排他性和缺乏透明度,最终导致了拉丁美洲国家对华为的警惕。 近年来,华为调整了策略,更加关注本地化运营,并通过提供奖学金、培训和硬件等方式,加强与当地社区的联系。同时,他们也利用价格优势,在手机等消费电子产品市场占据了一定的份额。 然而,由于地缘政治因素和国际社会的担忧,华为在拉丁美洲市场面临着越来越大的挑战。许多国家开始采用更严格的公开招标程序,并对与中国公司合作持谨慎态度。一些国际运营商也效仿欧洲的做法,限制了与华为的合作。 总的来说,华为在拉丁美洲的经验表明,单纯依靠与政府合作和提供大型项目,并不能保证长期成功。在全球化背景下,企业需要适应不断变化的政治和经济环境,并采取更加透明和开放的合作方式。

Deep Dive

Chapters
This chapter compares Huawei's lobbying strategies in Latin America and Europe. In Europe, Huawei engaged in paying EU members to advocate for their interests, while in Latin America, their approach is more direct and open, varying by country's institutional strength.
  • Huawei's lobbying tactics differ between Europe and Latin America.
  • In Europe, Huawei paid EU members to read letters promoting their interests.
  • Latin American strategies vary based on each country's institutional strength.

Shownotes Transcript

Translations:
中文

I mean, speaking of PLA, there's another very active company in Latin America that has ties to the PLA, Huawei. There was just recently the big scandal where Belgium police officers raided Huawei offices. There was a lot of lobbying being done on behalf of Huawei in the EU. I understand Huawei has a pretty big footprint in Latin America as well. Yeah, Huawei has...

actually increase their efforts in engaging at a local level. So what they are doing is providing scholarships, providing paid trips, providing training and providing hardware, but at a local level a lot. That is the main change in strategy that you could see in the last two to three years.

In terms of lobby, I mean, in the Belgium case, it was basically paying members of the European Union to read letters out loud and do a lot of... To represent, basically, the company interests in the EU. And in Latin America, I think it's pretty straightforward and they do it openly and there is no...

I don't think there is much doubt that they have the same strategies. In each country it's different, of course. The way they engage in Chile is very different from the way they would engage in a country like Venezuela, which is much weaker in terms of institutions, or Peru, or Brazil, which tries to be kind of like a regional leader. In the case of Chile, the

and this is in the book, what they do a lot is go to the government with very big projects. One of them, a critical one, was the trans-specific optic fiber cable.

And they tell them, oh, well, we have this amazing project. We're going to do the feasibility report on study. We're going to tell you how to build it. We're going to do the routes and tell you which option is cheaper, etc. This is what was done. And of course, it looks very good, right? You are providing a service to a state that is very useful for development because, of course,

More connectivity means more access to economic development, etc. There's an argument to be made there. And the big problem in the Chilean case, at least, is that when the Chilean government said, okay, so we like your project, but we want you to compete with other companies. But they said, oh, yeah, we can give you this document and we can compete, but only with Chinese companies.

And that is something that the Chilean government was very skeptical about. So they changed to another system. And actually, after that, at the end, the Humboldt project ended up being taken over by Google and later Google.

We have another one that connects through one. But at the time, that was the way in which they seemed to work. They would approach local governments with very big contracts, very good opportunities that looked very nice, provided that they wouldn't compete with any other company. And in the 5G public tender or in the optic fiber public tender, that was very,

very hard for Latin American countries because they tend to replicate the processes that other countries have made. And I think most countries in Latin America came to an agreement that they needed to conduct traditional public biddings or public tenders for their 5G process or their optic fiber processes. So that's why it seems that Huawei

tried to enter, but because of what was happening in Europe and the US and all this skepticism that was being built, they had some trouble doing it. Well, how big is Huawei's footprint in Latin America right now? How much of the market share do they have? Right now, and well, this is in the book, actually. Right now, I would say that is...

Less is around 25 percent to 30 percent behind Nokia and Ericsson so it seems like actually a lot of these countries have done a pretty good job of Keeping Huawei out. I mean assuming that's the goal. That's that would be my goal, but I'm not I'm not in charge of anything You're not a latin-american dictator. I am yet. No I just have to improve my Spanish

I think Spanish is all right. It really depends on the country. In Venezuela, China has a huge footprint. Actually, their ID card is made by ZTE. So it's basically made by China, their identification card. In Ecuador, you have a whole security system and surveillance system that is built

by Chinese companies. I think Huawei is this big company, this big name that sounds a lot and countries have tried to keep it or treat it with a lot of respect so they don't get questions later. But of course, China as a whole has many other companies. Now, what Huawei has changed in their strategy is that

Now they're engaging much more at a local level. They are doubling down on other technologies. I mean, there's no restriction for Huawei phones, for example, and a lot of because they're cheaper and they're not bad quality for Latin American standards. A lot of people are changing their phones to Chinese alternative. And that is something that they're achieving without any form of screening, because, of course, that's expensive.

A free market, right? Anyone can buy whatever phone they want that is in the market. I think something that would be interesting for you is what Costa Rica tried to do. They didn't succeed at doing it, but they tried.

And so what they did is when they opened the 5G process, they put a condition in the public tender, which said that only countries, only companies affiliated with countries that had signed the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime would be allowed to participate as providers for this public tender. So that happened. And that immediately rules out any Chinese company.

So, of course, there was a lot of backlash because of this and discrimination. Is this neutral or is this is this discretional or not or or bias, et cetera? And there was a little bit of pushback there, but it was a start. Right. They put a condition that did not point to China, but eventually limited Chinese access.

presence in these competitions. The other thing that happened is that because it's not Huawei that directly applies to these processes, but they partnered with a local provider, an operator. Some of the biggest operators in Latin America are international. For example, Movistar is a Spanish company.

And since in Europe, the whole issue with Huawei was boiling up and they were trying to limit Chinese presence in their company, they basically replicated what was happening in Europe in their Latin American strategy. So not only did they...

remove Huawei as a provider in the European market, they also did it in Latin America because it made no sense to have different providers for different parts of the company just because they were in different places. It was much, I guess, they wanted to prevent or anticipate any form of measure that could be taken by Latin American countries replicating what was happening in Europe, for example.

That's interesting. So a victory in Europe becomes defeat in Latin America. They learn.