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Explainer: What is a Tariff?

2025/1/24
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Duncan Weldon: 我认为理解关税最好的方式就是把它称为税收。关税是对外国商品而非本国商品征收的税,在商品进口时征收。举例来说,如果我们有国产汽车和外国汽车,政府可以对外国汽车征收20%的关税。因此,当外国汽车进口到英国时,就会征收20%的税。 纵观关税的历史,我们可以看到,从17世纪和18世纪的早期现代时期开始,各国政府普遍采用重商主义的经济体系。重商主义认为,出口对国家有利,而进口则有害,因为进口意味着向外国人支付金钱或黄金。因此,当时的理念是阻止进口,因为进口对国家不利。 英国长期以来一直是自由贸易国家,在19世纪和20世纪初,英国拥抱自由贸易,几乎没有关税,并且乐于接受外国商品流入英国。然而,其他国家采取了不同的方法,例如19世纪的德国和美国,它们实行较高的保护主义政策。 二战后,发达经济体的关税普遍较低且持续下降,直到大约十年前。关于谁实际支付关税的问题,虽然唐纳德·特朗普认为是征收关税的国家,但经济学家们则认为,如果对来自中国的进口商品征收20%的关税,最终成本将由美国消费者承担。当然,他们可能不会多付20%,一部分成本会被以较低的利润率来吸收,而受关税影响国家的货币汇率也可能下跌以抵消关税的影响。但最终,这意味着消费者要支付更高的价格。 在全球化时代,关税水平下降,全球贸易增长,一直持续到2008年。然而,经济学家们也清楚地认识到,自由贸易在国家内部会产生赢家和输家。经济学家们会告诉你,任何国家的赢家数量以及总体收益都超过了损失。但这并不意味着没有输家。在一个理想的世界里,一部分收益应该用来补偿输家。 一个国家的经济规模会影响自由贸易或关税政策的效果。首先,如果一个国家像美国一样拥有大陆规模的经济,能够在国内生产大量的不同商品和服务,并拥有不同的专业化领域,那么它可能比英国、荷兰或法国等小型开放型经济体更能自给自足。其次,如果一个国家在世界经济中拥有很大的分量,那么它就更容易运用这种分量。如果一个小国对一个大国征收关税,而大国也以关税进行反击,那么小国将无法赢得这场经济斗争。 如果一个国家像英国一样,面临来自中国的市场竞争,并且决定完全不征收任何关税,那么它是否会面临失去整个行业的危险?经济学家们会说,在一个理想的世界中,任何地方都没有关税。我们从世界上最有效的生产商那里购买商品,无论他们在哪里。但我们并不生活在一个理想的世界中。世界上存在扭曲。如果我们关注像中国这样的国家,争论就变成了,例如,在过去十年中,欧洲钢铁生产商面临的并非自由和公平的市场竞争,因为中国政府提供了廉价贷款,人为地补贴并降低了中国钢铁生产商的成本。他们生产了过多的钢铁,然后,用术语来说,他们正在将这些钢铁倾销到外国市场。因此,如果面临倾销,例如人为廉价的中国钢铁,那么使用关税来暂时阻止这种情况是有道理的。我认为在这种情况下这是公平的。但问题是,这是一个非常滑坡的道路。什么算作公平竞争?什么不算作公平竞争? 如果一个国家成为这种倾销的受害者,它不希望自己的产业在短期内被摧毁。如果像美国这样的大国说,我们将把关税作为一项主要政策工具,一部分用于贸易,一部分用于其他原因,那么这个国家是否能够在不承受短期、中期和长期痛苦的情况下摆脱困境?我认为,短期内,如果美国大幅转向关税,短期内,我们将看到中国、欧盟部分地区以及向美国出口的英国部分地区遭受巨大的经济痛苦。在美国,在极短的时间内,由于这些新的税收,我们将看到通货膨胀加剧,物价上涨。但短期内,你甚至可能会看到美国产出的增长。但是,这是一个很大的但是,从中长期来看,你剩下的就是更高的通货膨胀,美国商品成本更高,更重要的是,美国产业的竞争力下降,效率下降,生产力下降,长期增长放缓。转向这种保护主义的总体影响可能是短期内就业和产出的增长,这只是一个可能,但几乎可以肯定的是,长期来看,通货膨胀和生产力增长减弱的成本会更高。 Sam Lowe: 特朗普对关税的喜爱源于不同的假设。一个原因是关税可以创造杠杆作用,他可以威胁对某个国家征收10%或20%的关税,而这些国家为了避免这些关税,会给他想要的东西。我认为他喜欢关税的另一个原因是,他发现他能够在某些情况下使用关税而无需经过完整的民主程序,无需让国会参与,无需进行投票。 第三个原因是他似乎越来越执着于其他国家正在占美国便宜的想法。占便宜的意思是,他们持续向美国销售的商品比他们购买的商品多。他认为关税是解决这个问题并重新平衡贸易的一种手段。世界上最富有、最强大的经济体将自己视为贸易的受害者,这似乎是自相矛盾的。特朗普甚至对美国与加拿大今天的贸易关系感到恼火。 从外部来看,这似乎毫无道理。世界上最富有的国家竟然被它自己创造的体系惩罚,这似乎是荒谬的。但我想要说明的是,这在美国是一种相当普遍的观点,并且跨越了党派界限。许多民主党人也认为,目前的贸易体系损害了美国工人的利益,导致了就业岗位外包,导致了重工业和制造业的外包,导致了中国的增长和发展,以至于它成为一个竞争对手。所以,虽然这看起来很荒谬,但这在美国并不是一个不常见的观点。 让我们回顾一下特朗普第一届政府,更具体地了解他在执政的四年中实施了哪些关税。第一批关税与太阳能电池板和洗衣机的进口有关。因此,这是一个他向全球征收关税,对来自各地的太阳能电池板和洗衣机进口征收关税。这确实导致了中国的报复,例如,韩国提起世贸组织的诉讼。这是在2018年初。世界贸易组织。世界贸易组织。大约在同一时间,他开始对钢铁和铝征收新的关税。因此,这是对进口钢铁征收25%的关税,对铝征收10%的关税。这确实是大多数人在谈论与特朗普第一届政府相关的贸易战时想到的,因为这些关税引发了所有人的反应。欧盟通过最终对哈雷戴维森等知名美国公司以及各种威士忌酒征收关税来做出回应。 中国也做出了回应。特朗普不得不与加拿大和墨西哥进行谈判。它引发了相当多的全球不确定性和混乱。人们也谈论到的第三类是许多针对中国的关税。特朗普最终对价值约3350亿美元的美国进口商品征收关税,中国也做出了报复。在这期间,人们忘记了特朗普实际上与中国达成了贸易协议,这使得一些关税消失了。但这些关税确实持续存在,并延续到拜登政府,拜登总统确实只是延续了同样的趋势。然后是与半导体相关的其他关税和出口管制。还讨论了以国家安全为由对所有进口到美国的汽车征收关税的问题,这对我们这些不认为汽车是国家安全问题的人来说非常令人困惑。 但这些从未实现。他确实威胁要对墨西哥就边境非法移民问题征收关税,尽管当时通过与墨西哥政府达成的协议解决了这个问题。所以他真的很喜欢关税。 关于第一届政府,我们可以对所征收关税的影响说什么?就对美国消费者的影响而言,所有已进行的研究都表明,这些关税给美国消费者带来了成本。但我认为……特朗普会说的是,美国经济在那段时间表现得非常好。因此,一个问题是,这到底感受到了多少。关税也表明,它们对使用国外投入的美国制造商产生了负面影响。因此,进口零部件然后在美国组装的制造商增加了他们的成本。但同样,特朗普第一届政府的经济相当繁荣。因此,学术观点和所有证据都表明,这些关税对美国经济和对它们所针对的贸易伙伴都是负面的。但这并不一定被相关政客这样看待。

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Hi, David here. We're doing a new thing with the Briefing Room podcast, which is we're packaging up some bits you may have heard before on other programmes which are still very relevant, so they can explain specific things that are going on in the world. This week, tariffs. Donald Trump is in the White House, and he warned in his inaugural address that the US will tariff and tax foreign countries to enrich our citizens.

So let's find out exactly what a tariff is and how they've been used in the past. Here with me is Duncan Weldon, economist and author of 200 Years of Muddling Through.

Duncan Weldon, what is a tariff? I mean, the best way to think of a tariff is just to call it a tax. A tariff is essentially a tax imposed on foreign goods as opposed to domestic goods. And at what point is a tariff imposed? So a tariff is imposed at the time that a good is imported. I mean, say that we have domestically produced cars and foreign produced cars. The government could put a 20% tariff on foreign produced cars. So at the time that a foreign car was imported into Britain...

you know, there'd be a 20% tax on that. Now, let's just go through a brief history of tariffs. Have they always existed? Have they always been popular, unpopular? So if you go all the way back to sort of the early modern period, the 1600s, the 1700s, you know, governments at that time ran themselves generally with an economic system that has come to be called mercantilism. And mercantilism was a belief that

exports were good for your country and imports were bad. Because if your country was importing stuff, you were sending money, gold, to foreigners to pay for them. The idea was you want to keep imports out because imports aren't good for you.

If you talk about the history of it, Britain was for a long time what was called a free trade nation. Britain embraced free trade in the 19th century all the way into the 20th. Britain was a country which didn't really have tariffs, which was happy to have foreign goods flowing into Britain. Other countries took different approaches. Germany and the United States in the 19th century had a lot of protectionism.

The general sense, though, is after the Second World War, in the rich world, the developed economies, tariffs were generally low and falling until about a decade ago. Let's go back to the question of who actually pays the tariffs. You say it's a tax. You say it's levered at the point where the good comes in. But who actually pays for it?

Well, if you listen to Donald Trump, it's the country on which the tariffs have been imposed. Sadly for Donald Trump, economists would disagree. If you put a 20% tariff on Chinese imports into the United States, ultimately the costs of that are going to be paid by American consumers. Now, they probably won't pay 20% more. Some of it will be absorbed in the forms of lower profit margins. The currency of the country subject to tariffs might fall to offset tariffs.

some of it. But ultimately, it means higher prices for consumers. Now let's look again at the trends over time between free trade and tariffs. We've lived through the era that people call globalisation and I think it was a general presumption that globalisation meant the freest of free trade that you could get. I mean completely. We had falling tariff levels, rising global trade throughout the 1980s, the 1990s, all the way up to 2008.

more goods were imported, more people crossed borders, more capital crossed

cross borders. And yes, the general move was towards lower tariffs, more free trade. Now, economists were always clear that if you've got two countries engaging in trade that is mutually beneficial, both countries benefit from this trade. But economists aren't stupid. They could see there were winners and losers within countries from free trade. Now, what an economist would tell you is the number of winners in any country, the overall gains, outweighed the losses.

That doesn't mean there weren't losers. In an ideal world, some of those gains would have gone towards compensating the losers. What you mean is, if, say...

Ohio steel workers lost their jobs, but cheaper Chinese steel came in, then actually some other American industries would be benefiting from that. Overall, America is benefiting from this trade. But yes, there are losses among, say, Ohio steel workers. And yes, in an ideal world, your domestic political system would be able to take some of those gains from the winners and compensate the losers because there is more money than there would be otherwise. Now, that obviously didn't always happen.

Now overall, does the size or shape of your economy impact on whether free trade or tariffs are good or bad for you? The size of your economy does matter for a couple of reasons. Firstly, because if you're a continental-sized economy like the United States that can produce domestically an awful lot of different goods and services and have different bits of specialisation, you can probably be more self-sufficient than a small open economy like Britain or the Netherlands or France.

Secondly, because if you've got a lot of economic weight in the world, it is easier to throw that weight around. If a small country puts tariffs on a large country and the large tariff responds with its own tariffs, the small country is not going to win that economic fight. Now, what do you do if you're a country like the UK and you're facing competition in certain markets from China and you were just to say, we won't have any tariffs at all, we will just let it rip? Would we stand in danger of losing whole industries?

Economists would say, in a first best perfect world, there are no tariffs anywhere. We buy from the most efficient producers wherever they are in the world. Now, we don't live in a first best world.

There are distortions in the world. If you're looking at something like China, the argument becomes that, say Chinese steel in the last decade, that what European steel producers have faced is not free and fair market competition because the Chinese government has shoveled cheap loans and artificially subsidised and kept costs down for Chinese steel producers. They

They've produced too much steel and then, in the terminology, they're dumping that steel on foreign markets. Now, there is a case if you're facing dumping, you know, artificially cheap Chinese steel, to use tariffs to hold that out for a while. Now, I think that's fair in that case. The problem is, though, this is a very slippery slope. What counts as fair competition? What doesn't count as fair competition?

If you are a country who is on the receiving end of this dumping, you don't necessarily want your own bit of that industry devastated in the short run. If a country like, say, as big as the United States says, well, actually, we are going to deploy tariffs as a major element of policy, part of it for trade, maybe some of it for...

other reasons, will that country be able to get away with it without feeling the pain of it in the short, medium and long terms? So I think in the short run, if the United States was to move heavily towards tariffs, in the short run, we'd see an awful lot of economic pain in China, in parts of the European Union, in bits of Britain that export to the United States.

In America, in the very short run, you'd see a pick-up in inflation as prices rose because of these new taxes. We should call them taxes in this case, put on lots of goods. But in the short run, you might even see a boost in American output. But, and it's a big but, in the medium to the longer term,

What you're left with is higher inflation, more costly goods in America, and more importantly, less competition for American industry, less efficiency, less productivity, and slower growth in the long run. The general effect of moving towards this sort of protectionism will be maybe a short-term boost in employment and output, and that's a maybe, but almost certainly a long-term cost in terms of inflation and weaker productivity growth.

Duncan Weldon. Now let's find out what we know about Donald Trump and tariffs from the last time around. With me is Sam Lowe, partner at Flint Global, a financial consultancy. Sam Lowe, have tariffs always been an issue for Trump? Trump's love of tariffs stems from different assumptions.

One is that tariffs create leverage, so he can threaten a 10% tariff or 20% tariff on a country and they will give him something he wants to avoid those tariffs. The other reason I think he likes them in the context of being president is that he found he was able to apply them in some instances without having to go through the full democratic process, without having to involve Congress, without having the needing to be a vote.

And the third reason is that it seems he's become increasingly fixated on the idea that other countries are taking advantage of the US. By taking advantage, I mean they are persistently selling more to the US than they are buying. And he sees tariffs as a means of addressing that and rebalancing said trade. It does seem paradoxical that the richest and most powerful economy in the world sees itself as a victim of trade. And Trump's even annoyed with America's trade relationship with Canada today.

Does it make sense? It doesn't make sense from the outside. The idea that the richest country on earth is somehow being penalised by the system it largely created is seemingly absurd. But the point I'd make is that it's quite a commonly held view in the US and it straddles party line.

Many Democrats also believe that the current trading system as it's set up penalizes U.S. workers, that it's led to offshoring of jobs. It's led to the offshoring of heavy industry and manufacturing. It's led to the growth and development of China to the point that it's become a competitor. So while it does seem absurd, it's not an uncommon view in the United States.

Let's look back at the Trump first administration and be a bit more specific about what tariffs he brought in when he was in power for those four years. The first tranche of tariffs were related to solar panels and washing machine imports. So this was a he imposed a global tariff, a tariff on solar panels and washing machines imports.

from everywhere. And this did lead to some retaliation from China, for example, South Korea, bringing a WTO case. And this was in early 2018. World Trade Organization. World Trade Organization. And around the same time, he initiated new tariffs on steel and aluminium. So this is a 25% tariff on imported steel, 10% tariff on aluminium. And this is really what most people think of when they discuss trade wars in the context of the First

Trump administration because these tariffs triggered a reaction from everyone. The EU reacted by putting eventually tariffs on headline, well-known American companies such as Harley Davidson and also different whiskeys.

China also reacted. Trump had to negotiate with Canada and Mexico. It triggered quite a lot of global uncertainty and disruption. The third category, which people also talk about, is a lot of the China-specific tariffs. Trump eventually imposed tariffs on around $335 billion worth of US imports, and China retaliated as well. In the midst of this, people forget Trump actually negotiated a trade deal with China in this time, which saw some of the tariffs

fall away. But these tariffs did linger and continue into the Biden administration, where President Biden really did just continue on the same trend. Then other tariffs related and export controls related to semiconductors. There are also the discussion about applying tariffs to all automobile imports into the US on a national security basis, which is very confusing for those of us who don't consider cars a national security issue.

But those never materialized. He did threaten tariffs on Mexico in relation to illegal immigration across the border, although that was dealt with at the time via an agreement with the Mexican government. So he really does enjoy tariffs.

What can we say about that first administration, the impact the tariffs that were imposed actually had? In terms of the impact on the US consumer, all of the studies that have been done demonstrate that these tariffs came at a cost to the US consumer. But I suppose...

The point Trump would make is that the US economy fared very well during that time. So there's a question to how much that was really felt. The tariffs have also been shown to demonstrate that they negatively impacted those US manufacturers that used inputs from abroad. So import parts and then put them together in the US increased their costs. But again,

The Trump-1 economy was pretty buoyant. So the academic view and all the evidence suggests that these tariffs were negative for the US economy and also negative for the trade partners they were imposed on. But it's not necessarily viewed that way by the politicians involved.

Thanks very much for listening to today's Explainer. We'll be publishing these every week, a new mini-series. So make sure you follow The Briefing Room on BBC Sounds or wherever you get your podcasts so that you don't miss an episode when we publish them. And also remember you can go back and listen to any of our recent episodes on BBC Sounds. They're available now. Until the next time, goodbye.