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cover of episode Trump and Zelensky’s mineral deal - why Russia doesn’t care

Trump and Zelensky’s mineral deal - why Russia doesn’t care

2025/2/28
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World in 10

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Mark Galeotti
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Alex Dibble: 我关注到乌克兰总统泽连斯基访问华盛顿与唐纳德·特朗普签署矿产协议,但截至目前,美国仍未对乌克兰未来的安全保障做出明确承诺。尽管法国总统马克龙和英国首相基尔·斯塔默在此前访问期间施压,但这一情况依然没有改变。泽连斯基的这次访问是他的第三次尝试,那么俄罗斯是如何看待这一系列欧洲领导人对华盛顿的访问的呢?普京总统在此之前和之后,他的担忧会有所不同吗? Alex Dibble: 矿产协议是今天讨论的重点,但所有这些访问的潜在问题是,如果停火,乌克兰将获得什么样的安全保障。显然,人们都在谈论欧洲维和部队。我认为唐纳德·特朗普在马克龙访问时曾表示,普京并不反对这一想法。克里姆林宫很快对此表示反对,称其为无稽之谈。 Mark Galeotti: 事实上,这是一份相当含糊的协议,并没有对任何人做出太多承诺。从某种程度上说,他将其定义为一种替代形式的安全保障,如果所有这些稀土和其他矿藏都被开发,那么就会有一场关于它们究竟有多大价值的大辩论。目前,许多矿藏都没有被开发,因为这需要技术和投资,这大概需要美国公司参与到实地工作中。因此,有一种想法是,你可能没有维和人员,但如果你有美国的利益在那里,那将是对普京的威慑。但另一方面,从乌克兰的角度来看,这根本不像他们认为自己需要的安全保障。让我这样说吧,克里姆林宫似乎并不担心这项协议,这意味着他们看穿了这项协议。我认为这是一项特朗普可以炒作的协议,但归根结底,这不是一项协议,这不是他可以感到舒服的事情。如果他真的在考虑获得诺贝尔和平奖,那么这将无法实现。克里姆林宫对欧洲维和部队的想法持否定态度,认为这是空谈。俄罗斯的谈判风格非常强硬,即使他们真的在考虑潜在的让步,直到最后一刻,他们也会说这是完全不可接受的,正是因为他们希望为此获得尽可能好的对等让步。因此,很难确定,但这可能取决于普京的一个非常严峻的选择,如果他想结束这场战争,以一种对他来说已经看起来相当令人满意的方式,控制着近五分之一的乌克兰,如果他想在2026年之前结束战争,那么他可能不得不接受这一点。但目前,这不是他们的首选方案。坦率地说,他们宁愿乌克兰持续脆弱。因此,如果他们能够阻止欧洲军队进入,或者至少阻止来自欧洲主要军事国家的军队进入,那么他们可能会很满意看到希腊、丹麦和斯洛伐克的维和人员在那里,只要他们不必考虑英国、法国、德国和波兰的军队,那么可能就会有一些空间。所以,这是一种非常冗长的说法,我们真的不知道。但我认为围绕着这种可能性,仍然存在许多不同的选择。克里姆林宫对特朗普持谨慎态度,尽管他们对美俄接触感到高兴。他们显然不仅对特朗普对普京说好话感到非常高兴,而且因为他正在西方联盟内部造成如此多的不和谐和沮丧。但尽管如此,在俄罗斯官方声明中,尤其是在乌克兰问题上,仍然存在相当明显的谨慎态度。普京本人或多或少一直在说,让我们不要操之过急,不要假设突然一切都会变得美好。所以他们很欣赏特朗普,但仍然存在一种谨慎的感觉,他们会在事情真正发生时才会相信事情会按照他们的方式发展。

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The episode discusses the recently signed minerals deal between Ukraine and the US, focusing on Russia's reaction and whether it alters Putin's stance on peace talks. The deal is analyzed as lacking concrete security guarantees for Ukraine, leading to questions about its significance.
  • The minerals deal is seen as a wishy-washy document by experts, lacking substantial commitments.
  • Russia's lack of concern suggests they see through the deal's limited impact.
  • The deal is unlikely to satisfy Ukraine's need for security guarantees or contribute to a Nobel Peace Prize for Trump.

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This episode is sponsored by Womble Bond Dickinson, an international law firm of more than 1,300 lawyers across 37 offices in the United States and United Kingdom. In today's complex world, new problems need new perspectives. Womble Bond Dickinson thrives on change, bringing together people with different skill sets and experiences to give their clients a competitive edge.

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Welcome to The World in 10. In an increasingly uncertain world, this is The Times' daily podcast dedicated to global security. Today with me, Alex Dibble and Tom Noonan. As Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky visits Donald Trump at the White House to sign their minerals deal, there's still no sign – at the time we record this at least – of a cast-iron US security guarantee for Ukraine in the future –

That's despite the French President Emmanuel Macron and the UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer pushing for it during their own visits earlier this week.

So as attempt number three is made by Zelensky, how is Russia looking at this parade of European visitors to Washington? And will Vladimir Putin be more or less concerned than he was before? Our guest today is Mark Gagliotti, a Russia specialist and the director of MIAC Intelligence. Mark, let's start with this minerals deal, which Donald Trump is talking up. How big a deal is it for the Russians? And are they worried?

Well, it's actually a pretty wishy-washy document. It doesn't really commit anyone to much. In some ways, he is framing it as a kind of alternative form of security guarantee in that if all these various kind of rare earths and similar deposits are going to be exploited, and there's a huge debate actually about quite how great a value they have.

And at the moment, a lot of them are not being exploited because it's going to require technology. It's going to require investment. And that's presumably it's going to require American companies to be involved on the ground to actually do that. And so there is the idea that, you know, you may well not have peacekeepers, but if you have American interests there, that will be a deterrence for Putin.

Maybe, maybe not. But on the other hand, from the Ukrainians' point of view, it really is nothing like the kind of security that they feel they need. Let me put it this way. The Kremlin certainly does not seem bothered by this deal, which implies that they do see through it. So, I mean, I think this is a kind of a deal which is something that Trump can hype. But when it comes down to it, this is not the deal. This is not something that really he can feel comfortable

That's it. Honor is satisfied. I have sorted things out in Ukraine. And if he is seriously thinking about wanting to get a Nobel Peace Prize, which does appear to be part of the calculation, this is not going to cut it.

And while this mineral deal is ostensibly what it's all about today, the undercurrent of all this and all these visits is this question of what security guarantees will Ukraine get in the event of a ceasefire. Obviously, there's lots of talk about a European peacekeeping force. And I think Donald Trump said when Macron visited that Putin has no problem with the idea. The Kremlin pretty quickly said after that, no, it's still unacceptable. And they've since called it empty talk.

What do you think the Kremlin is actually thinking about the idea of peacekeepers? And I suppose the fact that both Macron and Starmer seem to have come away with nothing on security guarantees. Well, again, looking at the current feedback we're actually getting from Russian official sources, I mean, obviously they are happy about that. Although, again...

If there was a European presence, would the Americans totally abandon them in that particular crunch moment? Probably not, which is precisely why Putin doesn't want European troops to be in Ukraine. So in other words, to kind of forestall that whole issue. The Russian style of negotiation tends to be very hardball.

very much even when they're actually thinking of potential concessions, until the absolute 11th hour and 59th minute, they'll be saying how totally unacceptable it is, precisely because they want to extract the best possible reciprocal concessions for that. So it's hard to be sure, but it may well come down to a very stark choice for Putin, that if he wants to end this war,

in a way that already looks fairly satisfactory for him, being in control of almost a fifth of Ukraine, and if he wants to end it before 2026, when probably a lot of the sort of long-forstalled problems will really start to come home for Russia.

then it may be that he'll have to accept that. But certainly at the moment, that's not their preferred option. They would rather, frankly, Ukraine, which is continually vulnerable. And therefore, if they can keep European troops out or else at least keep the troops that are there not to be from the main military countries of Europe,

Europe, you know, they may well be perfectly comfortable seeing my apologies to these countries that I'm going to mention, but say Greek, Danish and Slovak peacekeepers there, so long as they don't have to think about there being British and French and maybe German and Polish forces, then there may be some kind of room. So this is a very long way of saying we don't really know. But I think there's still quite a few different sort of options around this whole possibility.

Mark, even if there's no hard and fast details about security going forward, this has been a big public show of the transatlantic alliance, all these European big hitters, Emmanuel Macron, Sakhir Starmer in the Oval Office. Is that a problem for Russia? I mean, obviously, they approach this with some concern, and particularly the initial Macron visit.

because Macron is, in his own way, quite able to actually be charismatic and persuasive on a one-to-one level and certainly has a decent track record of working with Donald Trump. Now, given that it was essentially unsuccessful, whereas sort of Sakhir had two objectives and kind of achieved one,

Macron ultimately got kind words and a glad handing, but actually nothing achieved. And that's very much something that the Russians are fully aware of. And so in some ways, I think that they're breathing a sigh of relief because sure, Zelensky is going to be there and Zelensky can be very compelling. But on the other hand, there is so much bad blood there now.

And other European leaders are in due course going to be in there. But I think from the Russians point of view, if Macron couldn't actually start to move the dial in some measurable way, then three more European leaders are not going to make a difference.

And how's Russia reacting to what European leaders are saying about stepping up on defence? I mean, Zakir Starmer has accelerated the timeline for the UK, hitting 2.5% of GDP on defence spending, which was pretty nakedly an attempt to appeal to Donald Trump before his visit. The man who's set to become Germany's next chancellor also says he wants to increase defence spending. Surely this is all just going in the opposite direction to what Vladimir Putin actually wants?

Yes, and it's one of the many ways that this war actually has proven to be really quite catastrophic for Putin in the sort of wider terms. I mean, his country is increasingly getting economically scarred by the cost of maintaining a war economy. It's increasingly dependent upon Beijing. Its labor market is absolutely sort of at full capacity. And yes, he sees Europe and indeed NATO generally becoming more and more sort of security focused than ever.

On the other hand, look, let's be clear. I mean, two to two and a half, even to 3%. You know, we're still talking about relatively small figures, which are going to take years to actually play out on the ground.

Though for all this talk about moving to a war economy or whatever, no one in Europe is even tiptoeing close to that. I mean, the Poles and the Bolts are the closest, really, but even they are not getting into that status. So I think from the Kremlin's point of view, yes. But if you had to decide between a 2%, shall we say, NATO with full American backing,

or a European NATO, which is spending 3% on defense, but which no longer feels it can actually trust Washington to back it up. Frankly, I think the latter is still something that the Russians would find more appealing.

Has this week changed at all how the Kremlin views Donald Trump? Because there are still all the ceasefire talks going on and talks on things outside of the Ukraine issue to come, of course. What's the Russian attitude therefore going into all of those?

Well, look, I think it's fair to say that the Kremlin is still treating Trump with some caution. They are absolutely delighted that there is now contact between Russia and the United States. We've already had, for example, this week, closed door conversations in Istanbul between experts to actually turn the kind of grand declaratory statements into real action on the ground.

They're obviously very pleased not only by the fact that Trump says such nice things about Putin, but that he is causing such discord and dismay within the Western alliance. But for all that, there is still quite a distinct note of caution in Russian official pronouncements, especially when it comes to Ukraine. You know, Putin himself has more or less been saying, look, let's not get ahead of ourselves. Let's not assume that suddenly everything is going to be wonderful. So they appreciate that with Trump,

What you see today may not be what you get tomorrow. So yes, they're very happy, but there is still that cautious sense that they'll believe that things will work out their way when it actually happens.

Mark Gagliotti, the director of MIAC Intelligence, thank you very much for joining us. Now this minerals deal, which Mark has called wishy-washy just there, that's obviously the heart of Volodymyr Zelensky's visit to the White House. If you head back to Wednesday's episode, you can hear us speaking to The Times' assistant editor in the US, David Charter, who explained what's actually in the deal, and I suppose more importantly, what's not in the deal. So do go back and have a listen to that.

That is it from us today, though. Thank you for taking 10 minutes to stay on top of the world with the help of The Times. We'll see you tomorrow.

This episode is sponsored by Womble Bond Dickinson, an international law firm of more than 1,300 lawyers across 37 offices in the United States and United Kingdom. In today's complex world, new problems need new perspectives. Womble Bond Dickinson thrives on change, bringing together people with different skill sets and experiences to give their clients a competitive edge.

Across a range of markets, they support businesses and private clients on critical challenges, from energy transition, digital transformation, and cross-border investment, to corporate finance, dispute resolution, and personal wealth planning. All with a mix of minds you won't find anywhere else. Womblebong Dickinson. A point of view like no other.

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